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catch it as it Aies, and to beg for a hearing, at least, once in twenty years, in the name of humanity and justice. We plead for eighty millions of human beings, whom, on the other side of the globe, a mysterious providence has subjected to our power. A foreign dominion is in itself a hardship. One in which every individual native is excluded from every possible office of omolament or power, is a degradation. One in which it can be stated as a fact that its taxation decreases population, that its police increases crime, that its courts of justice are more dreaded than no law-is a dominion that we dare not designate. The Fifth Report has now been before the public nearly twenty years. Parliament and the Company have since published bulky volumes. Up to the point, thus already placed within the reach of a worse than incurious public, how does the evidence stand ? Materials enough exist, by which this evidence may be carried down to the present year. Are there not men amongst the Directors (a body whose general excellence of intention it is the extreme of ignorance or calumny to doubt)—are there not men in Parliament (which Parliament holds the keys to open and to shut for the English people who will look after these things ? Burke failed to make out an Indian Verres. But a system,* which has baffled the goodness of Cornwallis and the energy of Munro, may be worse than all the proconsuls Rome ever turned loose on the Asia of her rule. What can possibly be the state of things where the administration of that which goes by the name of justice, is averred to be in reality an administration of
* It is a thousand pities that t!e acrimony of an almost personal hostility should appear so early and so prominently in discussions, where we should hope that all parties are equally interested for truth and justice. The task is one which requires all the calmness and the caution that a nation in solemn council can command. However fearfully our experiments may have failed, we think that, in their summary condemnations, Mr Crawford, Mr Rickards, and Mr Buckingham, have not made the reasonable allowances for the original difficulties of the case, and for the zealous good intentions which the Directors and their servants have exerted as a body to meet these difficulties. The administration of justice in India is, we believe, at present a crying evil. A belief so general is great reason for serious investigation; but none for calumniating either Cornwallis or Munro-or the Directors, whose benevolence of purpose was acknowledged by Mr Mill, while yet simply their historian-or the great majority of Indian civilians, whom the impracticability of the system alone has beat. We perfectly agree with Mr Mangles, as observed in his late excellent pamphlet, that the materials out of which this investigation must be carried on are to be found in the judi. cial oelections so accurately and honestly returned-and only there.
expensive delay, of elaborate ignorance, and of indiscriminate chance? What are the courts of English jurisdiction from which the Mahratta flies in despair to his own wild and irregular tribunals ;-in respect of which the trembling subject of the Nizam congratulates himself that, amidst all his miseries, English justice is a grievance that he has as yet escaped ?
Parliament must enquire. European servants are not to be had in sufficient numbers. The revenue of India could not maintain them. If there was one in every village, they have not, and cannot have, the requisite experience and knowledge. They ought, therefore, to be confined to the moral control of a general and appellant superintendence. Native servants we can have to any number, for we can afford to pay them such salaries as will command their services, and will make it their policy to be honest. We are bound to make for them the same experiment which was alone found to answer with ourselves. In any given case, adjudication by a native is not only desirable, but indispensable for correct decision. None but a native can see the way through the turns of native evidence. In a political point of view, it will improve their condition, raise their character, and conciliate them to our rule. Were it nothing but mere justice, it is our duty to extend to them every means of improvement and of happiness that we can give them with safety to ourselves. No less is it for our honour so to train them up, that when the charmed wand of our power is broken, we may leave behind us, like the Romans, some seeds of political and moral cultivation, to compensate for a foreign sway. It is more like Tartars than Englishmen not to seek to fit them for the government of themselves, so that they may one day pass, and gratefully, from a servitude, which has been only discipline, into national independence.
Note to Article on Southey's Colloquies.
In our review of Dr Southey's Colloquies there is (No. C. p. 557) an error respecting the Northumberland Household Book. It appears from that record, that the servants of the Northumberland family had, contrary to our statement, bread with their meat. We were led into a mistake on this subject by Hume, who has, strangely enough, stated the consumption of wheat in the establishment at only one-twentieth part of what it really was. We think it right to mention this inaccuracy, though it does not materially affect our argument.
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