CONTENTS OF No. III. IV. Accounts of the Egyptian Expedition-Reynier's State of Egypt-Sir R. Wilfon's Hiftory of the British VIII. Woollafton on Prifmatic Reflection IX. Woollafton on the Oblique Reflection of Iceland Crystal X. Hatchett's Analysis of a New Metal XI. Guineas an unneceffary and expenfive incumbrance on Commerce XII. Vallancey's Profpectus of an Irish Dictionary XIII. Ritfon on Abftinence from Animal Food XIV. Percival's Account of Ceylon XV. Villers fur une Nouvelle Theorie de Cerveau XVI. Pinel, Traite fur l'Alienation Mentale XVII. Delphine, by Madame de Stael Holftein ΤΟΣ VI. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society VII. Vindication of the Celts, from ancient Authorities; with Observations on Mr Pinkerton's Hypothesis, concerning the Origin of the European Nations, in his Modern Geography and Dissertation on the Scy- VIII. Dallas's History of the Maroons, including the Expe dition to Cuba, for the purpose of procuring Spanish X. R. & M. Edgeworth's Essay on Irish Bulls XI. Lord King's Thoughts on the Restrictions of Pay- XIV. Dr Craven's Discourses on the Jewish and Christian THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, APRIL 1803. N°. III. ART. I. De l'Etat de l'Europe avant et après la Revolution Françaife, pour fervir de reponfe a l'ecrit, intitulé, De l'etat de la France à la fin de l'an. 8. Par M. Frederic Gentz, Confeiller de Guerre, de S. M. Pruffienne. 8vo. pp. 354. Londres, 1802. THE HE destruction of Jacobinism, and the entire abolition of the revolutionary cant, by which its antagonists were fo long exafperated, have effected a great change in the tone and manner of our late political controverfies, and reftored fome degree of temper, and some appearance at leaft of candour, to those great and interefting difcuffions. Men agree now pretty generally in the principles from which they fet out, to whatever distance their conclufions may diverge; and admit the authority of fome common maxims of right or expediency, however they may differ as to their application, The events, however, to which we are indebted for this improvement in the ftyle of our political writers, have not been fuch, by any means, as to compofe their fundamental differences. The apprehenfions which were formerly excited by the revolutionary principles of France, have been fucceeded by the dread of her power; and the nations of Europe feem only delivered from the dangers of internal diffenfion, to encounter thofe with which their independence is threatened, from the preponderance of a foreign ftate. In fuch a condition of fociety, it is not to be expected that the great questions of international policy can yet be examined with entire impartiality, or that any political writer fhould be able to lay afide altogether that jealoufy and animofity with which the oppofite parties in the great European community have been fo long accustomed to regard each other. In the debate which is detailed in this volume, accordingly, there is no rant about liberty on the one hand, or fotial order on the other; and yet there is, on one fide at least, as much |