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much partiality and exaggeration, and as much hoftility and rancour, as could well have been found in the earlier days of the Revolution.

*

The book called De l'Etat de la France, to which this publication of M. Gentz is announced as an answer, is written by a Frenchman in office, in the true fpirit of his country and his ftation. It contains a moft captivating reprefentation of the happiness, and power, and moderation of France; and a very animated expofition of the crimes and impending humiliation of this country. Though the partiality and acrimony of the author are fo apparent throughout as to take from his performance all the authority of fober judgement, it ftill indicates fo much talent, and fo much information, as to be highly deferving of attention. He has refted the juftification of his country upon a much wider range of hiftorical deduction and political inference than have hitherto been brought to bear upon the queftion; and by reprefenting the Revolution as the crifis of a great diforder in the general fyftem of European politics, he has given an interest and a fimplicity to his fpeculations which the subject did not feem to promife. He writes, too, with a certain air of confidence and authority, that it is not always easy to refift; and while he throws out fome fpecious and brilliant ideas upon every fubject that prefents itself, he dextroufly avoids thofe fpecifications of minute detail by which all general principles must be verified.

Such a performance, if it admitted at all of an anfwer, feemed to require one, in a particular manner, on the part of this country. Our politicians, however, appear to write only for the fatisfaction of their countrymen, and to think that a book published in French cannot be deferving of their notice. In this inftance, we conceive that their backwardnefs, though not very cafily accounted for, has been of great advantage to their cause; as it has put the task into the lefs fufpicious hands of a neutral foreigner, and given a continental politician an opportunity of flating to the nations of Europe the real ftate and pretenfions of the two rival powers. M. Gentz is a native of Pruffia, and a minifter of the only great military power that has been for a confiderable time in amity with the French republic. His former publications, upon the origin and character of the late war,' and on the finances of Great Britain,' prove fufficiently with what a skilful and penetrating eye he had furveyed the proceedings of the belligerent powers, and with what fcrupulous exactnefs he had informed himfelf as to their refources. The prefent publication muft add to his reputation in all thofe particulars, and would of itfelf entitle him to a place among the first political writers

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*M, Hauterive, Chef des Relations exterieurs.

writers of the age. The book is written with a very fingular temperance of manner, in spite of the perfonal provocation which M. Hauterive has occafionally given; and feems to us as much fuperior to that of his antagonist, in candour and manliness of fentiment, as in hiftorical accuracy and correct reafoning. the fubject is in every relpect extremely interefting and important, we fhall endeavour to lay before our readers a pretty fuli view of the treatment it has received from M. Gentz.

The fubftance of M. Hauterive's book, with which it is neceffary to begin, may fairly be itated in the few following propof

tions.

From the treaty of Weftphalia in 1648 down to the era of the French Revolution, the balance of power in Europe, and the authority of public law, had been gradually neglected and impaired, till fcarcely a trace of fyftematical policy was to be dif covered at the latter period.

The Revolution in France, and the defolating wars which it excited, were the neceflary and natural refults of this general derangement; and the iflue of them has enabled France to lay the foundation of a new federal system, better accommodated to the prefent condition of the European nations.

The power which the has thus acquired, the will exercise in acts of beneficence towards her allies, and of moderation towards her opponents, and will make ufe of all her influence to protect the continental states against the machinations of England, who has been the conftant inftigator of general hoftility, whofe commercial monopoly has extinguished their industry, and whofe ambition ftill threatens their independence.

To qualify her for the difcharge of thefe importance duties, France poffeties, according to M. Hauterive, the moft ample refources that have ever fallen to the lot of any nation. Her geographical pofition, the fertility of her foil, the number, genius, and valour of her inhabitants; her form of government, and the talents and virtues of thofe by whom it is adminiftered; seem all combined to enfure her permanent pre-eminence, and to give ftability to thofe political benefits that Europe is to derive from her influence.

Thefe pofitions M. Gentz has undertaken to difprove, in the work that is now before us; and has applied himself to the talk, with a degree of zeal and affiduity that feemed to affure him of fuccefs. He admits, in a great degree, the power and the refources of France to be fuch as his antagoniit has reprefented them; and does not think proper to enter into any difquifition in this work, as to the excellence of her government, or the stability of her conftitution. The object of his book is merely to how, that the Revolution was neither produced nor juftified by any

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THE

EDINBURGH REVIEW,

OR

CRITICAL JOURNAL:

FOR

APRIL 1803......JULY 1803.

TO BE CONTINUED QUARTERLY.

JUDEX DAMNATUR CUM NOCENS ABSOLVITUR.

PUBLIUS SYRUS

SECOND EDITION.

VOL. II.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED BY JAMES BALLANTYNE,

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