rebellious insolence in the soldier. When the soldier misbehaves, the Vizier cuts his head off, and places it under his arm. When the soldier is dissatisfied with the Vizier, he fires ball through his tent, and admonishes him, by these messengers, to a more pleasant exercise of his authority. That such severe punishments should not confer a more powerful authority, and give birth to a better discipline, is less extraordinary, if we reflect, that we hear only that the punishments are severe, not that they are steady, and that they are just; for, if the Turkish soldiers were always punished with the same severity when they were in fault, and never but then, it is not in human nature to suppose, that the Turkish army would long remain in as contemptible a state as it now is. But the governed soon learn to distinguish between systematic energy, and the excesses of casual and capricious cruelty: the one awes them into submission, the other rouses them to revenge.

Dr Wittman, in his chapter on the Turkish army, attributes. much of its degradation to the altered state of the corps of Janissaries; the original constitution of which corps was certainly both curious, and wise. The children of Christians, made prisoners in the predatory incursions of the Turks, or procured in any other manner, were exposed in the public markets of Constantinople. Any farmer or artificer was at liberty to take one into his service, contracting with government to produce him again when he should be wanted; and, in the mean time, to feed and clothe him, and to educate him to such works of labour as 'are calculated to strengthen the body. As the Janissaries were killed off, the government drew upon this stock of hardy orphans for its levies; who, instead of hanging upon weeping parents. at their departure, came eagerly to the camp, as the situation which they had always been taught to look upon as the theatre of their future glory, and towards which, all their passions and affections had been bent, from their earliest years. Arrived at the camp, they received, at first, low pay, and performed menik offices for the little division of Janissaries to which they were attached: Ad Gianizaros rescriptus, primo meret menstruo stipendio, paulo plus minus, unius ducati cum dimidio. Id enim militi novitio, et rudi satis esse censent. Sed tamen ne quid victus necessitati desit, cum ea decuria, in cujus contubernium adscitus est, gratis cibum capit, ea conditione, ut in culina reliquoque ministerio ei decuriæ serviat: usum armorum adeptus tyro, necdum tamen suis contubernalibus honore neque stipendio par, unam in sola virtute, se illis æquandi, spem habet: utpote si militiæ quæ prima se obtulerit, tale specimen sui dederit, ut dignus judicetur, qui tyrocinio exemptus, honoris gradu et stipendii magnitudine, reliquis Gianizaris par habeatur. Qua qui

dem spe plerique tyrones impulsi, multa præclare audent et fortitudine cum veteranis certant.' Busbequius De Re Mil. cont. Turc. Instit. Consilium*. The same author observes, that there was no rank or dignity in the Turkish army, to which a common Janissary might not arrive, by his courage or his capacity. This last is a most powerful motive to exertion, and is, perhaps, one leading cause of the superiority of the French arms. Antient governments promote, from numberless causes, which ought to have no concern with promotion: Revolutionary governments, and military despotisms, can make generals of persons who are fit for generals: to enable them to be unjust in all other instances, they are forced to be just in this. What, in fact, are the Sultan and Pachas of Paris, but Janissaries raised from the ranks? At present, the Janissaries are procured from the lowest of the people, and the spirit of the corps is evaporated. The low state of their armies is in some degree imputable to this; but the principal reason why the Turks are no longer as powerful as they were, is, that they are no longer enthusiasts, and that war is now become more a business of science, than of personal courage.

The person of the greatest abilities in the Turkish empire, is the Captain Pacha; he has disciplined some ships and regiments in the European fashion, and would, if he were well seconded, bring about some important reforms in the Turkish empire. But what is become of all the reforms of the famous Gazi Hassan? The blaze of partial talents is soon extinguished. Never was there so great a prospect of improvement as that afforded by the exertions of this celebrated man, who, in spite of the ridicule thrown upon him by Baron de Tott, was such a man as the Turks cannot expect to see again, once in a century. He had the whole power of the Turkish empire at his disposal for fifteen years; and after repeated efforts to improve the army, abandoned the scheme, as totally impracticable. The celebrated Bonneval, in his time, and De Tott since, made the same attempt with the same success. They are not to be taught; and six months after his death, every thing the present Captain Pacha has done, will be immediately pulled to pieces. The present Grand Vizir is a man of no ability. There are some very entertaining instances of his gross ignorance cited in the 133d page of the travels. Upon the news being communicated to him, that the earth was round, he observed, that this could not be the case; for the people and the objects on the other side would, in that case, fall off:

and

This is a very spirited appeal to his countrymen on the tremendous power of the Turks; and, with the substitution of France for Turkey, is so applicable to the present times, that it might be spoken as a speech in Parliament with great efect.

and that the earth could not move round the sun; for, if so, a ship bound from Jaffa to Constantinople, instead of proceeding to the capital, would be carried to London, or elsewhere. We cannot end this article, without confessing, with great pleasure, the entertainment we have received from the work which occasions it. It is an excellent lounging book, full of pleasant details, never wearying by prolixity, or offending by presumption, and is apparently the production of a respectable, worthy man : So far we can conscientiously recommend it to the public; for any thing else,

Non cuivis homini contingit adire, &c. &c. &c.

ART. V. 4 Comparative View of the Huttonian and Neptunian Systems of Geology. In Answer to the Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory of the Earth, by Professor Playfair. Edinburgh & London. 1802.

PRO

ROFESSOR PLAYFAIR's book naturally called for an answer from some of the disciples of Werner. A comparative view' of the two theories, however, is by no means a proper title for this publication: it contains a violent attack upon the doctrines of Dr Hutton, and a very partial and zealous defence of the aqueous solution of minerals. As we have not yet had the good fortune of being converted to either system, we may boast at least of perfect impartiality in considering this controversy, though we are afraid that neither of the belligerent parties will be very ready to acknowledge the merit of our neutrality.

After a slight sketch of the leading characters of the two rival theories, the author proposes to compare them to each other: First, As to the probability of the general principles upon which they depend: And, secondly, As to the support which they derive respectively from the visible structure of the globe, and from the appearances which minerals actually exhibit. We do not propose to give a complete analysis of this investigation: and having, on a former occasion, delivered our sentiments at considerable length as to the theory of Dr Hutton, we shall here confine ourselves, in a good measure, to the positions of his antagonists-to the detection of those false reasonings in the work before us, that are made the basis either of unjust objections to that theory, or of unjust encomiums on the other.

We may begin, therefore, with remarking, that, in contrasting the Huttonian and Neptunian theories, it appears to us not to be quite fair to urge any objection against the former, that does not apply strictly to the hypothesis of the igneous fusion and consolidation of minerals. The advocates of that theory have, indeed, taken a much wider range; and have advanced many very que

stionable

stionable positions, as to the constant agency of their internal heat, and the great and eternal circle of destruction and renovation in which they have supposed the materials of the universe to revolve. But with the errors or defects that may be found in this part of the system, the Neptunist, we conceive, is not entitled to reproach them, since his own theory gives no explanation whatever of those difficulties, which they have at least attempted to resolve. The Neptunist professes to explain the present condition of the world, by the supposition of a previous dissolution in water; but he neither tells us what was its state before this great dissolution was accomplished, nor ventures to provide for the reparation of its apparent decay: his theory reaches neither to the past, nor the future; it accounts for present appearances only; and therefore cannot enter at all into competition, or comparison, with any system that carries its conjectures beyond the beginning and the end of the world. The Neptunian theory alleges, merely, that all the solid materials of the world have been formerly dissolved in water. The Huttonian alleges, that they have been melted, or softened by heat. This is their proper point of contrast, and of comparison: for, as the one goes no farther, it cannot be compared with what is beyond it in the other. The Huttonian may be wrong in all his ideas of the reproduction of continents, and the succession of strata; and he may yet be right in his hypothesis of the igneous origin of all existing minerals. It is upon that hypothesis alone, however, that the Neptunist has any right to contend with him; and, in estimating the comparative merits of this theory, we would lay every thing out of view, to which no counterpart could be found in the other. A good deal of the argument in this volume might have been spared, by attending to this distinction.

The author's first great attack, however, is directed against the supposition of a constant internal heat, of such intensity as to effect all the wonders we behold. This supposition, he contends, is not only extremely improbable and extravagant, but actually involves such contradictions and absurdities, as to afford a direct demonstration of the falsity of the Huttonian hypothesis.' In support of this very decided language, we have a formidable enumeration of the common objections, as to the possibility of maintaining a constant heat in such a situation; and some terrifying calculations, as to the enormous intensity of it, that would be required to concoct such a world as we inhabit. The demonstrative part of the argument, however, comes afterwards; it is but fair to the author, to lay it before our readers in his own words.

'It is an invariable and essential property of heat, to diffuse itself over space till an equilibrium of temperature is established; and where there

is any solid matter, as the medium of diffusion, its distribution is more rapid. If an intense heat has always existed at the central parts of the globe, this heat must diffuse itself towards the circumference, and the diffusion of it must continue till the whole arrive at a common temperature. The arrangement, therefore, contrived in the Huttonian system for the successive renewal of the habitable part of the globe, and repairing the waste to which it is subjected, is inherently defective. It is always becoming less fit to produce its effects, as the heat at the centre must always be diminishing; and it must come at length to be subverted, by the temperature being rendered uniform over the whole.' pp. 50, 51.

And afterwards--

Heat, it is sufficiently known, is propagated through dense bodies. with considerable celerity. If a central fire, therefore, of the greatest intensity, exist, the heat must be propagated through the substance of the earth towards its surface; and this propagation ought to be such, that, even in that period of time of which we have authentic records, its effects ought to have been apparent. Yet we have no reason to believe, that there is any change in the medium temperature of the globe. The climate of particular countries may be altered, from cultivation, or other local circumstances; but no important general alteration appears to have taken place: if it had, its effects must have been conspicuous, by symptoms, too well marked, not to indicate their cause. Nay, no change of this kind appears to have happened for a much longer period than that which man has ascertained. It may be affirmed, that the temperature which at present prevails, is that necessary for vegetation, animal life, and, in general, for all the operations of nature; nor could a habitable world like ours, have existed with a medium temperature many degrees inferior to that which now prevails. The heat at the surface, therefore, must have always been nearly the same; and, though a central heat has been existing, according to the Huttonian theory, for that immense succession of time, during which our world, and others preceding it, have existed, there has been no propagation of it through the substance of the earth. If we can rely on any deduction whatever from the knowledge we possess, we may rest assured, that a system involving such a supposition is false; nor would it be easy even to imagine any process of reasoning, by which its falsity could be more clearly demonstrated.' pp. 53. 54.

From these views, the author of the Comparative View is led to conclude, that

- there is an accumulation of proof, which prejudice itself, we should be tempted to believe, could not resist; and which is more than sufficient to establish the conclusion, that whatever praise may be due to the Huttonian system as a splendid hypothesis, it has no claim to the more exalted rank of a just theory.' p. 57.

Now,