after the 1st of May, 1708, the Scotish privy council should be finally dissolved, thus annihilating the last vestige of the national government. These enactments did not pass either house without violent opposition, especially the last, which was carried in the house of lords, by a majority of only five voices; and, though the council in question was a most odious tribunal, and one which, had it been continued, would effectually have prevented any benefit arising from the union, its extinction tended to exasperate that irritable and gloomy feeeling, which at this time unhappily characterized the Scotish people.*

While the friends of their country were thus employing themselves to promote its best interests, the Jacobites were doing their utmost to counteract them, by restoring the exiled family, and breaking up the union, which they considered as giving, if it ever came to be fairly established, the death blow to their projects. The month of August was ardently looked for, as the happy period that was to bring them the accomplishment of all their wishes; but when it did arrive, it brought only a notice, that his most Christian majesty, at that time, could do nothing; and this notice was repeated from time to time, till the hopes of the most sanguine were nearly extinguished. From the freedom of speech and of action too, in which many of them had indulged, fears were entertained, that they might be proceeded against by the existing government, and, without reaping any of its advantages, suffer all the pains of treason. Under this impression, they became all at once apparently deeply interested in the management of public affairs, and, as it was certain the parliament behoved to be dissolved at the end of the session, they began to canvass for seats in the new parliament, for the double purpose of laying asleep the

"In the records of the Privy Council of Scotland, after the junction of the crowns, we meet with more frequent examples of the gross abuse of delegated power, than occur perhaps in the history of any nation possessing a regular and established government. The functions and proceedings of the ordinary judicatories were often suspended, and their decisions overawed and controlled, by the indefinite prerogatives of a tribunal, which was a standing engine of regal and aristocratic oppression." Somerville's History of Great Britain, &c.

vigilance of the government, and, if their friends were brought into trouble, that they might be in a situation more effectually to befriend them. This, to be sure, involved them in the guilt of deep dissimulation, and, if they succeeded, in the still deeper guilt of perjury; but politicians have very generally supposed the means to be sanctified by the end, even when less sacred objects were in view than divine, indefeasible, hereditary right, and where neither works of supererogation were provided, nor dispensing power claimed for their relief.

With all this diligence at home, the Jacobites did not fail, to hasten, by every means in their power, that assistance from abroad upon which they so much depended. Mr. Hall, of whom we have already made mention, writes thus, by orders of his grace the duke of Hamilton, to M. de Chamillart, the French minister, August 2d, 1707. "The duke of Hamilton will not go to England, till he shall have seen the king's determination, with respect to the affairs of Scotland; and it is hoped here, that Sir James Ogilvie of Boyn will bring it soon. The duke of Hamilton has informed himself more fully concerning the dispositions of the west; and this is what he orders me to tell you. All the Presbyterians are resolved to oppose the union; and if the k- of England comes to Scotland with six or eight thousand men, he will have more people for him than he will know how to employ. It will be necessary that he give the command of them to the peers and the nobility, and the duke of Hamilton will set others the example. We have arms in these parts, and some shires have already officers upon half pay. All that the Presbyterians demand of the k— of England is, to declare against the union, and to maintain the parliament, and the independence of the nation. They submit to military discipline, and will not disturb his majesty on account of his religion, only desiring, that he will be content to exercise it without much show. They conjure him only to promise the safety of the Protestant religion in general, and to refer all the rest to his first parliament. All the tories are zealous for his interests, but it will be necessary that he come soon, otherwise the opportunity will be lost." This is seconded by the duke of Gordon, August 9th, "We are in great consternation here at

not hearing from you, and are therefore obliged to be urgent

Secrecy is necessary in great

May we know at The duke of HamThere are

to know what we may hope for. affairs, but too much mystery spoils all. least, whether we shall be assisted or not? ilton begins to espouse our interests heartily. people here who insinuate, that you do not intend to assist us. If you do intend it, the opportunity is favourable, and never will be found again." The duke of Gordon is followed by Ker of Kersland, August 16th and 20th. "All is ready here, but if the succours do not come soon, or at least, if we are not sure of being assisted within a limited time, all will go to confusion. The people complain, that they have often been made to hope, without any effect. I will still answer for keeping every thing ready for some time longer, provided I am sure of the succours; but it would not be just, that I should lose my fortune for my goodwill. Long delays will ruin us all. We are all convinced, that the only way to save Scotland, is to restore our k—. The opportunity is excellent; it never was so good, and if you lose it, it never will be found again. The union is so universally detested, that it has changed the hearts of the greatest enemies of the k- of England. I should not wonder, if this change should not be easily believed in France, for I am surprised at it myself, and yet it is true. The attachment which the chiefs of the Cameronians have always had for my family, enables me to answer for them; and I will readily venture myself on this occasion, provided I am sure of not being forsaken; for the English will not spare me. Do not give credit to all the intelligence that may be sent from these shires, [the five shires of the south-west,] by any other channel than mine; for I am informed, that others make use of my name without my knowledge. We are ready to give every security that shall be desired, for the performance of our promises. Once more, do not lose time; for if you do, you lose every thing." This incendiary is followed by the dutchess of Gordon, August 20th and 23d, with still greater vehemency. "For God's sake! what are you thinking of? Is it possible, that after having ventured all to show our zeal, we have neither assistance nor answer! All is lost for want of knowing what measures ought to be taken. Several of the greatest partisans

of the union acknowledge their error, and come over to us. If we are left in the uncertainty we are now in, the people will grow gool. The chieftains will fear for themselves, when they find that they are despised, and will make their peace, not to have an halter always about their necks. Give me but a positive promise, and all will go well. The chieftains will then find no difficulty in keeping every thing ready against the arrival of the succours; but our hearts are sunk by this continual uncertainty. Come when you please, and to what part you please, you will be well received; but if you do not come soon, or if you do not send us speedily an assurance of assistance, the party will be broken, and it will be too late."*

Whether these letters, produced the desired effect, or whether the circumstances of the time became of a more imperious nature, it might be difficult to determine, but the French court at length began, apparently, to think of doing something in earnest, and preparations upon an extensive scale, commenced with the utmost secrecy and activity. A fleet, of five sail of the line, twenty-two frigates, and two transports, with five thousand troops, were assembled at Dunkirk, and, with the chevalier de St. George, ready for sea, almost before a whisper of the design had reached the British government. The command of the fleet was conferred on the chevalier de Forbin, one of the most active naval officers in the French service. The land forces were confided to monsieur de Gace, who, on the occasion, was, through the medium of the chevalier de St. George, created a marshal of France, by the title of marshal de Matignon. There were also furnished by his most Christian Majesty, for the use of the Scotish Jacobites, one thousand pair of pistols, three thousand muskets, twenty thousand pounds of powder, six pieces of cannon, two twenty-four pounders, and four eight pounders, with one thousand balls for each; two eight inch mortars, six hundred bombs, and a train in proportion.+

Louis, on this occasion, manifested the highest degree of interest in, and friendship for the chevalier de St. George, whom he now hoped to see openly and proudly acknowledged as James VIII., the undoubted and established king of England. Every

* Hooke's Secret Negotiations, pp. 111-116.

+ Ibid. p. 127.

thing necessary for the voyage of the chevalier, had been furnished with the utmost profusion. His tents were sumptuous, his liveries for his life guards gorgeously rich, and his services of gold and silver plate, such as became the splendour of a king. His most Christian majesty, on parting with him, presented him with a valuable diamond sword, repeating what he had before said to his father, James VII. "he hoped he would never see him again." His holiness the pope, also contributed liberally to the expedition, and, in particular, accommodated James with a variety of inscriptions, which were, by the fair hands of loyal and pious women, devoutly wrought into his colours, as certain pledges of an honourable progress, and finally, of full success. Public prayers of forty hours for his success, were also appointed by his holiness, in the English, Irish, and Scotish churches, and indulgences granted to all such as would charitably and devoutly join in putting them up.*

While these preparations were thus rapidly approaching their completion, the British government appeared to slumber in a state of perfect security. There were not in Scotland above two thousand five hundred men in arms, and of these, more than a full half were supposed to be in the interest of the chevalier. The castle of Edinburgh was without ammunition, without a garrison, and, though it contained a great part of the equivalent, not yet disposed of, in such a miserable state of preparation, that it could scarcely have failed to surrender upon the first summons. How the ministry suffered themselves to be thus caught asleep, as they must have known, the general discontent of the Scotish people, and the views of the French court, is what, at this distance of time, cannot be satisfactorily accounted for. That they were unaware of the plot that had been so generally talked of, and the execution of which had been the subject of such ardent desire among the Jacobites for a twelvemonth before, it is impossible to believe. That they knew it, and wished it success, is still more incredible; and yet, had the Jacobites themselves been in power, it was scarcely possible to have placed the whole system of things

* Smollet's History of Great Britain. Bennet's Memorial, &c. &c.