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When a prince of this character obtained poffeffion of the Netherlands, it was natural for him to aim at the destruction of the free form of government which thefe happy provinces had enjoyed from the earliest times. Particular acts of ufurped power followed one another in uninterrupted fucceffion; and the measures of Philip at length evidently appeared to be the refuit of a determined plan of oppreffion. The injured inhabitants of the Netherlands firft murmured, afterwards refifted, and finally revolted against the cruel tyranny of their fovereign. The haughty fpirit of Philip, impatient of the fmalleft contradiction, was ill qualified to bear with the rebellion of his fubjects. His anger was ftill farther irritated against the infurgents by the difference which prevailed between himself and them in matters of religion; the liberal opinions of the reformation having made an extraordinary progrefs among the industrious and commercial natives of the Low Countries; and Philip being inclined by temper, inftructed by education, and impelled by principle, to regard himfelf as the firmeft guardian and bulwark of the Romish fuperftition. This dark, gloomy, tyrannical, and fuperftitious prince, abfurdly connecting the irreconcileable interefts of God and of himself, was ready to wreak the utmost fury of his vengeance against them, whom he believed to be equally the enemies of true religion and of lawful government. Immenfe preparations were made, not to correct the errors or to restore the obedience of his fubjects, but to chastise their folly, to punish their crimes, to avenge the accumulated guilt of rebellion and impiety.

The worthless favourites of Philip (according to a custom familiar to the contemptible retainers of a court) flattered him with the affured profpect of fpeedily accomplishing his defigns; all Europe believed that he would obtain an easy victory; even the revolted provinces determined to remain in arms from the dictates of a generous defpair, and from a manly refolution to perifh with the honourable character of liberty, rather than from any well-grounded expectation of defeating the measures of a prince whole power feemed irresistible.

But contrary to the opinion of Philip, of the provinces, of Europe, and of mankind, all the fchemes of this afpiring potentate were rendered abortive. Providence (for if ever the hand of Providence vifibly exerted itself for the interefts of humanity, it was furely on this occafion) raifed up the firm intrepidity and determined patriotifm of the firft William, Prince of Orange, whofe exalted talents triumphed over the wealth, the power, the pride, and the tyranny of Spain. For thirty years, Philip vainly endeavoured to conquer the pertinacious fpirit of liberty, by the exertions of his braveft troops, and the ableft generals that, perhaps, ever appeared in Europe. Soured

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by disappointment, enfeebled by age, and tormented by remorse, he was not yet forfaken by his pride, and was unwilling to forfake it. In order to gratify the demands of this paffion, he exerted his utmost efforts to recover the poffeffion of the Netherlands; but finding all his meafures unfuccefsful, he determined to bestow on another what he himself had been unable to acquire. His daughter Ifabella was given in marriage to Albert, Archduke of Auftria, who became the object of this abfurd donation, which took place in 1598, and was foon followed by the death of Philip II.

The efforts of Albert for fubduing the revolted provinces were powerfully feconded by Philip III. who, however, met with no better fortune than his predeceffor. For a period of eleven years, that is, from the time of the donation in 1598 to the truce in 1609, in which the independence of the United Provinces was fully acknowledged, they refifted and overcame all the attempts made against them by land, and in their turn attacked and defeated their enemies by fea. In the midft of an expenfive war they increafed their navy, extended their commerce, obtained many valuable fettlements in the eastern territories of the King of Spain, and thus laid those solid foundations of opulence, power, and grandeur, which they transmitted, with fo much glory, to their pofterity.

Such is the fubject which Dr. Lothian had to treat; and it is undoubtedly the nobleft that can be offered to the pen of an historian. The value of the materials, by a fingular combination of good fortune, equals the importance of the fubject. We are no obliged to collect the hiftory of that diftinguished period from the imperfect information of gazettes, or the meagre chronicles of half-inftructed compilers. The most authentic and the moft complete documents have been given to the public. Contemporary writers of the highest reputation have offered their fentiments and their reflections. Men of noble birth, and even those who were invefted with public characters, have defcribed the tranfactions, and related the events, in which they were perfonally concerned. The Reader's fancy will confirm the remark by fuggefting to him the names of Cardinal Bentivoglio, Prefident Jeannin, and the learned and profound Grotius, whofe philofophical genius places him above every rank and honour that kings and courts can bestow.

With fuch a fubject, and fuch materials, it was to be expected that Dr. Lothian would convey inftruction and entertainment. How far he has done fo, we may fately leave to the judgment of our leaft inftructed Readers, to whole criticism we hall refer a paffage, which, after a careful perufal of the whole performance, appears, to us, to be as unexceptionable, with respect to ftyle and fentiment, as any that could be extracted. The

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paffage contains the arguments ufed in the United Provinces for and against a peace with Spain; and which are, unfortunately, of much the fame nature with thofe that might at prefent be ufed in America for and against a peace with England.

'Those who maintained that a peace would, at prefent, be difad. vantageous to the Confederates, faid, that they were poffeffed of great. and certain funds during a war, which, with the affiftance of their allies, would be fufficient for continuing it with hopes of fuccefs; whereas a peace would fo much reduce these funds, that they would not be fufficient for the maintenance of their garrifons, and fuch other charges as were abfolutely neceffary for the prefervation of the peace; that by this means, they would be defpifed by their neighbours; and, on account of their weakness, be expofed to all kinds of injuries. One principal fund that would be thus reduced, was the taxes upon confumption, or upon all the neceffaries of life, which amounted, during the war, to five millions five hundred thoufand livres a-year. It was fuppofed, that the people who were accustomed to pay these taxes through fear of an enemy, and as the only means of their own fecurity, would not pay them during a peace; that they would confider their being in alliance with two great kings as fufficient for their fafety; and imagine, there would be no neceffity for forts and garrifons. These taxes would likewife diminish, as foon as the troops, who paid them as well as others, fhould be reduced from fixty thousand to ten or twelve thousand; and by many merchants and artifans, if trade was free from one province to another, retiring out of the jurifdiction of the General Eftates; and particularly, the Roman Catholics, if they were not allowed the exercise of their religion. Other taxes, likewife, fuch as thofe for convoys, licences, and dues of Admiralty, and which yielded, yearly, from feventeen to eighteen hundred thousand livres, would decreafe, because the Archdukes Commiffioners had declared, that they would never confent to their being paid by their fubjects; becaufe, in this event, thefe taxes must be alfo taken off the inhabitants of the United Provinces, otherwife the whole trade would center in Antwerp; and even other princes would not fuffer them to be demanded of their fubjects. Another fund was the tax paid by houfes and lands, very high at prefent, and thought infupportable, which muft, in time of peace, be reduced; fo that, instead of yielding, as now, about two millions of livres, it could not be rated above one half of that fum. The laft article confifted of contributions raised from the enemy's country, which, amounting to fix hundred thoufand livres a-year, must ceafe along with the hoftilities. Another argument was, that the mafters of fhips, and failors, to the number of forty thoufand, who had been accustomed to war, would lofe all their military fpirit; become mere merchants; and many of them enter into the fervice of the King of Spain. Laftly, it was urged, that peace would occafion many animofities and divifions, of which their enemies would not fail to take advantage.

The party who, on the other hand, contended for peace, main. tained, that the weakness to which it was fuppofed the Confederates would be reduced, was wholly imaginary. Though the principal

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fund was the tax upon the neceffaries of life, yet the people would pay it as cheerfully as ever, if convinced that it was neceffary for the prefervation of their liberties and independence. The tax, however, might be leffened, and ftill enough left for the maintenance of garrifons. In the provinces of Holland and Zealand, where the tax produced four millions five hundred thousand livres, there were few garrifons. It was not to be fuppofed, that the merchants and artifans would leave the country. A great part of the inhabitants, and all the ftrangers, had come on account of enjoying civil and religious liberty. At Antwerp, they would be overawed by a garrifon; the fea was, in a great measure, in the power of the General Eftates; and the Catholics might be prevented from going away, by allowing them, in fome refpects, the exercife of their religion; a liberty which might be granted without any danger. With regard to the other taxes, as the convoy money, licences, and dues of Admiralty, they could not, indeed, be levied in the fame manner, in the time of peace, as during the war; but part of them might be retained, and fecured by the treaty; and, because the Archdukes levied the fame taxes on goods coming out of the United Provinces, the General Etates might certainly impofe duties on fuch goods as came from the other provinces; or at least, adjuft thefe affairs upon moderate and reasonable terms. But, if the Archdukes fhould abolish these taxes altogether, rather than allow them to be continued by the Confederates, they could not deprive the General Eftates of the power of impofing, in their place, taxes upon beer, cheese, fishings, and the like. At any rate, the produce could never fall below what would be fufficient for their fea-armament, during a peace; whereas, the fum of one million eight hundred thousand livres a-year, arifing from thefe duties in time of the war, was fo far infufficient, that the province of Holland alone had expended, in twenty years, four millions more than they produced. The contributions ralfed from the enemy's country would, no doubt, ceafe entirely; but, at the fame time, the contributions exacted by their enemies, with equal rigour and feverity, from the frontiers, and fuch places as were fubject to the General Eftates, would likewife ceafe; by which means the country people, by being freed from this burden, would be better able to pay their proportion to the public, and, perhaps, even give fome addition, in return for the bleffings of peace. From all this, it was concluded, that, even after the peace, there would be an ordinary revenue of fix millions of livres; and even though the taxes fhould, after four or five years. be reduced, as they ought to be, fuppofing two parts in five, which would be a confiderable reduction and a great eafe to the inhabitants, yet still there would remain about three millions eight hundred thoufand livres, a fum that would be fully fufficient for defraying all the neceffary expences of a peace establishment. In this computation were not included the great revenues of fome of the towns, part of which, in case of neceffity, might be applied to the public fervice; for, though one half fhould be employed for the benefit of the towns them felves, the other half would amount to more than a million of livres. The tax on confumption, and the fubfidy raifed from houfes and lands, were calculated, the former at five millions five hundred thousand livres,

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though equal to fix millions; and the latter at two, though equal to three millions; b cause the overplus of each year was applied, both in the provinces and towns, to the payment of their debts. The full revenue of fix millions as above stated, would maintain twenty thoufand men in garrifon, if there was occafion for fo many, for the first year; pay the falaries of the fervants of the State, the expence of the fortifications, and of an armament at fea, the next; and, in following years, this fund would increafe, because the garrisons might be reduced to ten thousand men, by which means there would be a faving, each year, of two millions of livres, that might be employed: likewife in payment of debt. Inteftine divifions might be prevented by proper attention, and by establishing a Council of State invefted with fufficient authority. The body of the State, which was, in fact, a Republic, where the fovereignty was equally diffused among all the members, had, nevertheless, this advantage, that the com-. mon people did not interfere in the affairs of Government. These were left entirely to the management of the chief men in every town; who, being not only capable of exercising the adminiflration, but zealous for the prefervation of liberty, would eafily fecure a strict obfervance of fuch regulations as should be judged neceffary for the public fafety. Neither was corruption much to be feared among a people who had hitherto showed fuch a defire for liberty, and fuch a hatred to the Spaniards, from whom alone any attempts of this kind were to be apprehended. There was little probability, that the mafters of hips and failors would engage in the fervice of Spain; because the trade to the Eaft Indies, without which being allowed no treaty would be made, and the trade to Spain and other places, would give them fufficient employment. Befides, a free people, impatient of controul, would never bear the pride and infolence of the Spaniards, nor fubmit to live in a country where their natural difpofition would be thwarted, and where they could not enjoy the exercife of their religion. To thefe arguments the advocates for peace added others, deduced from the probable confequences of continuing the war. Thus, it was argued, that an end could not be put to the calamities already fuffered, but either by a complete victory, or fome agreement made at laft with the enemy. The former could not reafonably be expected over fo powerful an adverfary; and the latter would, at any time, be attended not only with the fame dangers which were dreaded at prefent, but with greater, because the continuance of the war would oblige the Confederates to contract more debt, and, by reducing them to traits, expofe them to be corrupted; caufe them to feparate from one another; and induce them to accept of worfe terms than they had now in their power to obtain.'

From this fpecimen it appears, that Dr. Lothian's ftyle is low, colloquial, and inaccurate; and indeed, in no part of his work does he once affume the tone, or afpire at the dignity, of hiftorical compofition. His narrative is uninterefting, ill arranged, and ill conducted. He feems to have written himself into fome knowledge of his fubject; piodding on, from one detail to another, and patiently tranfcribing every minute particular

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