vernment itself is convinced of the contrary; it need only remember, that the emperor has frequently declared, that if such an accusation were proved against any Russian in his employment, he would hasten to punish him most severely for a crime which he considers of a most heinous nature. But the cabinet of St. Cloud returned no answer to this candid communication, nor did it furnish any proof to support its pretensions; it has then no right to complain of its unsupported demands not being complied with. But at the present moment, when Portugal was obliged to purchase her neutrality; when Naples, to save her's, was compelled to contribute, at an enormous expence, to the maintenance of the French troops on her own territory; when all Italy, especially those republics that had been promised independence and happiness; when Swisserland and Holland were considered merely as French provinces; when one part of the German empire is occupied, while in another part French detachments execute arrests in contempt of the sacred law of nations; at such a moment the emperor will leave to all the states alleged, nay, to the impartial opinion of the cabinet of St. Cloud itself, the decision of the question, which of the two, Russia or France, menaces the security of Europe? which of them acts on principles the most favourable to the independence of other states? which interferes most in the government and internal police of other countries, and practices the most arbitrary acts against them?-Although the sorrow which the emperor felt at this alarming situation of affairs, was as notorious as the opinion he entertained of it, he nevertheless held himself bound

to make his declaration as explicit as possible, that it might not with truth be said, that there was not a single government on the continent which had the courage to raise its voice in the cause of justice; and that the Russian government might not be charged with having omitted to call the attention of its co-estates to the dreadful consequences which must necessarily ensue from a further neglect of order, and of those principles on which their well being and their security depend. It does not appear how it could be so easily proved, in the present dispute, that Russia, by protesting against a manifest violation of the law of nations, committed beyond the limits of the French republic, on a neutral territory of the German empire, by a guaranteeing and mediating power, has thereby interfered in the internal affairs of France, and to interfere in which the emperor never had the most distant idea. Every state is indeed competent to outlaw a person within its own limits; but no state has a right arbitrarily to place any person out of the protection of the law of nations, because the latter does not depend upon the decrees of any single state, but is grounded upon the unanimous will of the commonwealth of sovereign states. Thus the French government could at most demand of the princes of the German empire, in conformity to the treaty of Luneville, that the emigrants in their states, who had not yet made the choice of a country, and against whom authentic proofs could be produced, should be removed; but the French government was by no means justified in the invasion of those states, sword in hand, to carry off such persons by main force.-It will hardly be cre Tt4

dited,

(to maintain its erroneous principle) deviate so far from every requisite decorum, and the regard due to truth, as to allege examples which were altogether improper to be mentioned; that it should, in an official document, recal even a father's death to the recollection of his illustrious son, in order to wound his tender feelings; and that it should (contrary to all truth and to all probability) raise an accusation against another government, whom France never ceases to calumniate, merely because she is at war with it.France has endeavoured in vain to justify herself by the most extraordinary surmises and suggestions, but they cannot alter the state of the present question, nor can they be made to justify with effect an arbitrary act, which annihilates the leading, and hitherto undisputed, principles of the law of nations. It

is not, by any means, necessary to analyse the whole contents of the note from the citizen minister for foreign affairs, in order to be convinced that it is evasive and unsatisfactory, if the object be considered, which the emperor proposed, when he, in the course of last spring, caused the notes to be delivered at Paris and at Ratisbon; it is also evident, from the said French note, that the French government rather wished to increase the emperor's just indignation, since its only object in that note is, in an indecent manner, to avoid the important question proposed, instead of offering a candid investigation of it.-The emperor is, however, superior to the emotions of personal resentment. has principally at heart the well-being and tranquillity of Europe: he, therefore, does not hesitate to make

He

possible, of a friendly intercourse with France. His majesty's sole wish is, that peace may revive in Europe; that no person may assume any authority whatsoever over any other state; and that the French government do acknowledge an equality of rights for inferior states, but who are not less independent than France. Russia, it cannot be too often repeated, entertains not the least inclination for war, nor can she be benefited by it; her conduct will alone be influenced by the pressure of circumstances. She may, however, justly presume, that the French administration entertains such an opinion of the Russian government, as to be convinced that the latter will not remain an idle or indifferent spectator of any new encroachments. His majesty the em peror of Russia is not himself influenced by fear, nor does he wish to direct its operations to the minds of others. It is his desire to preserve his former relations with France, but upon no other ground than that of perfect equality. The first condition is, that the terms mutually agreed upon shall be sacredly fulfilled, and on this condition only can the two states, after what has happened, enjoy their former relations of good will and amity.The undersigned has been ordered to declare, that he cannot prolong his stay at Paris, unless the following demands are previously granted:-1. That, conformably to the 4th and 5th articles of the secret convention of the 11th of October, 1801, the French government shall order its troops to evacuate the kingdom of Naples; and when that is done, that it shall engage to respect the neutrality of that king.

dom,

transmitted to him by the minister for foreign affairs, feels it incumbent on him to confine himself to a recapitulation of that conduct which his august master has constantly held towards the French government, the plain exposition of which will sufficiently demonstrate the nature of the reciprocity which he has in his turn experienced from that power. From the moment that his majesty ascended the throne, he laboured with all his care to renew. the good intelligence which had formerly prevailed between France and Russia. His imperial majesty, in anticipating the explanations which were to produce a solid and permanent understanding between the two countries, was happy in the persuasion, that he would by that means effectually contribute to the general pacification of Europe; the tranquillity of which had been too long disturbed by the events which occasioned the war that was terminated by the treaty of Luneville. The readiness which his majesty shewed to make peace with the French government, at the time it was at war with several other powers-the renewal of the former treaty of commerce, which was entirely to the advantage of France-the good offices of Russia in bringing about a reconciliation between the republic and the Ottoman Porte, are all convincing proofs of the disposition of his majesty, and of his wishes to neglect nothing on his part, which could tend to consolidate that connexion which he hoped might exist for ever. Since that period, when, in consequence of the mis. fortunes which Germany experienced in the course of the war, and that many members of the Germanic body were put under the necessity

of submitting to make sacrifices, and that it became necessary to ascertain those sacrifices, for the purpose of settling the indemnities that were to compensate for their losses, the emperor consented to become a joint mediator with the French government, in the cordial hope, that the act of mediation would scal the tranquillity of the continent.— The completion of this salutary work allowed his imperial majesty to turn his attention to the engagements which France voluntarily entered into at the period of her conclusion of her peace with Russia. His majesty having scrupulously fulfilled those which he entered into with France, had a right to expect that the French government would also have shewn itself anxious to equal his punctuality, and to perform its own obligations. However reasonable this expectation was, it has never been realised; and the French government, so far from shewing any disposition to fulfil them, has taken no little pains, if the undersigned may use the expression, to retard their accomplishment. The king of Sardinia, who has been wholly deprived of his possessions in Italy, by the union of Piedmont to France, has still to look for that indemnity which the cabinet of the Thuilleries had solemnly pledged itself to Russia to allow him, and which the latter has continually demanded.-The king of Naples, who was freed for a short time from the presence of a French army in his kingdom, beholds it again occupying his provinces, under a pretext the nature of which is not known to his imperial majesty; and he is consequently placed out of the line of independent states. The represen

tations