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Russian Chargé-d'Affairs, Mr. Oubril; relative to the Occurrences at Ettenheim, where the Duke D'Enghuien was seized. Dated Paris, April 20, 1804.

According to the orders which the undersigned Chargé-d'Affairs of his imperial majesty the emperor of all the Russias has received from his court, he hastens to inform the minister of the French republic, that his illustrious master has learned, with equal astonishment and concern, the event that has taken place at Ettenheim, the circumstances that have attended it, and its melancholy result. The concern of the emperor on this occasion is the more lively, as he can by no means reconcile the violation of the territory of the elector of Baden to those principles of justice and propriety which are held sacred among nations, and are the bulwark of their reciprocal relations. His imperial majesty finds in this act a violation of the rights of nations, and of a neutral territory, which, at least, was as arbitrary as it was public; a violation, the consequences of which are difficult to estimate, and which, if considered as admissible, must entirely annihilate the security and independence of sovereign states. If the German empire, after the misfortunes it has suffered, which have made it sensibly feel the necessity of tranquillity and repose, must still be in fear for the integrity of its territory, could it have been expected that this should have originated on the part of a government which has laboured to secure to it peace, and imposed on itself the duty of guaranteeing its continuance. All these considerations have not permitted the emperor to pass over in silence this unexpected

event, which has spread consternation through all Germany. His imperial majesty has held it to be his duty, as guarantee and mediator of the peace, to notify to the states of the empire, the manner in which he views an action which endangers their security and independence.The Russian resident at Ratisbon has, in consequence, received orders to deliver in a note to the diet, and to represent to it, and to the head of the empire, the necessity of remonstrating to the French government against this violation of the German territory. His imperial majesty holds it in like manner to be his duty to notify his sentiments directly to the French government, by the undersigned, as his majesty is assured, that the first consul will hasten to attend to the just remonstrances of the German political body, and feel the pressing necessity of taking the most active measures to relieve all the governments of Europe from the alarm he must have occasioned to them, and put an end to an order of things too dangerous to their safety and future independence.

The undersigned hereby fulfils the commands of his illustrious master, and avails himself of this opportunity to communicate to the citizen minister for foreign affairs, the assurance of his high esteem.

Note transmitted by the French Minister for Foreign Relations to the Imperial Russian Chargé d'Affaires, dated May 16th, 1804, and signed Ch. Mau. Talleyrand.

I have laid before the first consul the note of the 20th of April, which you did me the honour to

transmit

transmit to me. The first consul observes, with regret, that the influence of the enemies of France has prevailed in the cabinet of St. Petersburgh, and that it now puts at hazard the good understanding which was established with so much pains, and which appeared to be so well confirmed by the happy effects which it has produced. His majesty the emperor of Germany, and his majesty the king of Prussia, who undoubtedly are the two powers the most concerned in the fate of the German empire, have understood that the French government was sufficiently authorized to arrest, at two leagues distance from her frontier, French rebels who conspired again their own country, and who, by the nature of their plots, as well as by the terrible evidence which corroborated them, had placed themselves out of the protection of the law of nations. The German princes having thus been satisfied, the first consul would have nothing to say to the emperor of Russia on a point which does not in the least concern his interest; but he will always be happy to speak to his majesty the emperor of Russia, with that openness which Europe knows he possesses, which only is becoming great and powerful states.

If it be the intention of his majesty to form a new coalition in Europe, and to recommence the war, what need is there for empty pretences; and why not act more openly? Much as the renewal of hostilities would grieve the first consul, he knows no man in the world that could put France in fear; no man whom he would suffer to interfere in the internal concerns in the country; and since he himself does not meddle with the parties or opinions between

which Russia may be divided, his imperial majesty can have no right to meddle with the parties or opinions between which France may be divided. In the note, sir, which you have delivered, you require--

That France should employ the most efficacious means to tranquillize the different governments, and to let an order of things cease in Europe, which is too alarming for their security and independence." But is not this independence of the states of Europe attacked, if it appear that Russia protects and maintains, at Dresden and at Rome, authors of plots who seek to abuse the privilege of their residence, for the purpose of disquieting the neighbouring states? and if the Russian ministers at most of the courts of Europe pretend to place under the protection of the law of nations, persons who are natives of that very country where those ministers reside, as M. de Marcoff wanted to do at Paris with a Genevese? These are real infringements of the independence of the states of Europe; these are the very infringements which ought to excite their vigorous remonstrances. The circumstance against which an outcry is raised, is of a very different nature. -By the treaty of Luneville, Germany and France had mutually engaged to allow no assylum to any of those men who could disturb their respective tranquillity. The emigrants who resided at Baden, at Friburg, at Dresden, &c. were by that treaty not to be suffered in the German empire; and this circumstance shews what real impropriety there was in the conduct of Russia,

France requires of her to remove emigrants who were in the employment of Russia, at the time when Tt2

the

the two countries were at war, from 'countries where they rendered themselves conspicuous only by their intrigues; and Russia insists upon maintaining them there; and the remonstrance she now makes, leads to this question :-If, when England planned the murder of Paul I. (supposing intelligence to have been received, that the authors of the plot were at a league from the frontier), would not pains have been taken to arrest them? The first consul hopes that his imperial majesty, whose excellent mind and noble character are so well known, will sooner or later perceive that there are men who avail themselves of every means to raise enemies to France, and who thereby seek to make a diversion, and rekindle the flames of a war, which is advantage. ous only to England. This war will never take place with the first consul's consent; but whosoever may declare it against him, he shall ever prefer it to a state of things which should tend to destroy that equality between great powers, which tend to the detriment of France. And as he does not arrogate to himself any superiority, and does not interfere with any operation of the Russian cabinet, he demands a perfect reciprocity in this respect. I continue, sir, firmly to hope, that declarations so candid will be fully appreciated by your court, and that they will tend to dispel the clouds which malice spreads between our countries with a success greatly to be lamented. Accept, sir, the assurance of my perfect estcem, &c.

Note presented by M. d'Oubril, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, to the French Minister of

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The note, which the citizen minister of foreign affairs transmitted to the undersigned chargé d'affaires from his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, he did not fail to transmit to St. Petersburgh; but the undersigned has to declare, that his court greatly disapproved his receiving a paper, which did not answer his preceding official communications, and was by no means calculated to be laid before his august sovereign.

The said paper,

however, at length came under the notice of his imperial majesty, who saw, with surprise, that its contents consist altogether of such assertions as are not only unfounded, but also wholly unconnected with the note of the 22d April. The emperor, already moved by the calamities which oppress a great part of Europe, and by the dangers which threaten the German empire, whose interests Russia is particularly bound to support, in conformity to her obligations, received intelligence of another recent violation of the law of nations, which was perpetrated at Ettenheim; he, therefore, thought himself bound to invite the assembled states of the German empire, and the German princes, to concur with him in jointly protesting against the French government, to whom his majesty communicated the same sentiments, in hopes that it would repair the insult offered to the German league, and allay the fears of Europe for the repetition of similar outrages. The French government could not avoid to return an answer

to this plain declaration from his majesty the emperor; but the evasive reply which was made is offen

sive to Russia, to the German em- of harmony, which the emperor has preserved merely by his moderation, and which he desired to preserve for ever. No person, and the French government least of all, can mistake the views of the cabinet of St. Petersburgh, since his imperial majesty so explicitly declared, even before the present war, how necessary it was to labour for the consolidation of peace; to prevent new revolutions in Europe, to avoid carefully every cause for mistrust, and to let every state quietly enjoy its independence. At the same time, Russia disclosed to the French cabinet, how much she desired that this latter power might contribute to consolidate the present order of things; that it should, by its moderation and disin terestedness, give a hope to the other states of Europe, that every government could at last (after the unhappy war, which cost so much blood) devote itself, with safety and quiet, to the happiness of the people entrusted to it. Far from desiring to rekindle the flames of war on the continent, his Russian majesty most ardently wishes to stifle those flames every where; but his majesty harbours this particular wish, that the, French government, as it pretends to the same desire, would let those nations alone, who wish nothing more fervently than to avoid taking a part in the present troubles.-This was the only (though unfortunately for the cause of humanity, it proved an ineffectual) wish of Russia, which never deviated from those principles; every step she took with the French government, which she constantly referred to treaties already concluded, had no other view. Upon the same ground she proposed to act as a mediator between France and England, but was not accepted.Tt3

pire, and to France herself; it im-
pairs the good understanding which
she declares her wish to preserve,
but the effects whereof Russia has
not hitherto perceived. We live
no longer in those barbarous times
when every country regarded only
her immediate interest; modern po-
lity, founded upon the law of na-
tions, has introduced certain princi-
ples respecting the interest of the
whole community of states. No
state could view with indifference the
event already mentioned, which
gave such a dreadful blow to the in-
dependence and security of nations.
By the peace of Teschen, Russia un
dertook to guarantee and mediate
for the German empire; in this qua-
lity his imperial majesty was not
merely justified in raising his voice
on this occasion, but was absolutely
bound to do it. The French go-
vernment, bearing a similar quality,
takes the liberty of violating the
neutrality of Germany, and to
act arbitrarily on that territory. It
is difficult to conceive how his impe-
rial majesty should be incompetent
to stand up for the German empire,
the security and independence of
which he has guaranteed.--It would
be in vain to attempt to explain
otherwise the conduct of Russia,
whose motives are so evident, or to
discover therein the influence of the
enemies of France; its sole motive is
the wretched condition to which the
French government, by its influence,
has reduced Europe. Should Rus
sia propose to establish a coalition,
for the purpose of renewing the war
on the continent, it would not at all
be required to seek any unfounded
cause for it.
The French govern-
ment has long given too much and
too just cause for breaking the bands

since

Since the renewal of the war, the French government thinks itself competent to occupy those countries, and deprive them of their commerce which in vain appeal to their neutrality; his imperial majesty was thereby alarmed, not indeed on his own account, since, from the actual situation and power of his empire, his majesty can remain a quiet spectator of those distressing scenes; but he was alarmed for the security of the other states of Europe. His majesty repeatedly urged with the French government, but always in effectually, that those countries at least should be permitted to remain neutral, whose neutrality France and Russia had guaranteed by mutual treaties; his majesty also repeatedly disclosed his sentiments with respect to those states that are already in danger of sharing the fate of Italy, of a part of Germany, and of the other countries which France has already got in her possession. Meanwhile the emperor saw, in spite of all his exertions and remonstrances, the danger increasing daily; French troops, on the one side, occupying the coasts of the Adriatic; on the other, levying contributions on the Hanse Towns, and menacing Denmark; consequently, his imperial majesty has resolved, as the theatre of war approaches his frontier, to establish a military force, which shall be adequate to put a stop to further encroachments. The fact is notorious to all Europe; the emperor was particularly desirous that it might not remain unknown to the French government, and the mutual explanations always referred to the same objects. Never then did any government act more candidly, or for a purpose which requires less secresy, or is subject to less false con

structions than Russia did in the present circumstances. If this conduct be not upright; if it can be considered as hostile to France, or as an attack on the welfare, and tranquillity of the German empire, then there is no longer any difference existing between manifest encroachments on the one part, and that just indignation which the other part must consequently feel; between attack and defence; between the oppression and protection of the weak.

The undersigned will not, in this place, examine, by the law of nations, the question, whether the French government be justified in persecuting, in every country, those persons whom it has exiled from their own, and in prescribing to foreign powers the manner in which they shall be permitted to treat or to employ the late emigrants, whom they may have adopted for their subjects, or employed in their scrvice. Such a tenet is at variance with every principle of justice; nay, with those principles which the French nation has so solemnly proclaimed. To suppose that Russia attacks the independence of the states of Europe, because she will not permit a person in her employment abroad to be appointed somewhere else at the will of the French government, were to confound all ideas and words; or because she claims another person, who is a naturalized Russian, and has just now been delivered up by another state, without any previous trial, and contrary to every appearance of justice.

Never did the emperor protect conspirators; his noble and upright character is too well known to all Europe to require an elaborate contradiction of this assertion, as false as it is indecent. The French government

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