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to maintain, and when she violated the treaty of Amiens, she counted less on her strength than on the success of her machinations. But government was vigilant; the steps of the agents of the enemy were followed by the eye of justice: the people of London were no doubt expecting to hear the explosion of that mine which had been dug under our feet. At any rate, the most ominous reports were spread, and they were indulging the most criminal hopes; on a sudden the agents of the conspiracy were arrested; proofs have accumulated, and they are so strong and so evident, that they carry with them convictions to every mind. Georges and his band of assassins had remained in the pay of England; their agents were still traversing La Vendée, Morbilian, the Côtes du Nord, and were endeavouring, but in vain, to find partisans of whom they were deprived by the moderation of government and of the laws.-Pichegru, unmasked by the events which preceded the 18th Fructidor, year 5, (Sept. 5, 1797), and unveiled, in particular, by that correspondence which general Moreau had addressed to the directory, had carried with him to England his hatred against his country. In the year eight he and Villot were in the train of the armies of our enemies, in order to unite with the brigands of the south. In the year nine he conspired with the committee of Bareuth, and since the peace of Amiens he has still been the hope and the counsellor of the enemies of France. The British perfidy associated Georges with Pichegru, the infamous Georges, with that Pichegru whom France had esteemed, whom she wished for a long time to consider as incapable of

treachery! In the year eleven a criminal reconciliation united Pichegru and Moreau, two men between whom honour ought to place eternal hatred. The police seized at Calais one of their agents, at the moment when he was returning a second time from England. This man had in his possession documents which confirmed the reality of a reconciliation at that time inexplicable, had not the bonds which united them been formed by criminality. On the arrest of this agent, general Moreau appeared for a moment to be agitated. He took some private steps to ascertain whether government was informed of it; but it was passed over in silence, and he himself, when he recovered his tranquillity, concealed from government an event which could not but awaken its vigilance. He observed silence even when Pichegru was publicly admitted into the councils of the British ministry, when he united in a notorious manner with the enemies of France. Govern ment was disposed to consider his silence as arising from the dread of a confession, which would have humbled him, as it considered his retirement from public affairs, his suspicious connexions, and his imprudent language, as the effect of peevishness and discontent. General Moreau, who could not fail of being suspected, since he main◄ tained a secret correspondence with the enemies of his country, and who, in consequence of this suspicion, which was too well founded, would at any other period have been arrested, was suffered to enjoy in tranquillity his honours, an immense fortune, and the kindness of the republic. Events, however, rapidly succeeded each other: La jollais, the friend and confidant of Pichegru,

Pichegru, went privately from Paris to London, returned to Paris, car ried to Pichegru the ideas of general Moreau-carried back to Mo. reau the ideas and designs of Pichegru and his associates; the brigands of Georges were preparing, even in Paris, every thing that was necessary for the execution of their common designs. A place was assigned between Dieppe and Treport, at a distance from molestation or the eye of vigilance, where the brigands of England, brought over in English ships, landed without being observed, and where they found corrupted men to receive them-men paid to conduct them during the night from fixed stations, previously agreed on, and thus to convey them to Paris.-At Paris lurking places were procured for them in houses hired before-hand, where they had confidants to protect them they had some of these in different quarters and streets at Chaillot, in the Rue de Bacq, in the Fauxbourg St. Marceau, in the Marais. A first debarkation was effected, consisting of Georges himself, and eight of his brigands. Georges returned to the coast to assist at the landing of Coster St. Victor, condemned by a sentence passed in the affair of Nivôse 3, and of ten other brigands. In the commencement of the present month a third landing was effected, it consisted of Pichegru, Lajollais, Armand, Gaillard, brother of Raould, John Marie, one of the first confidants of Georges, and some other brigands of the same stamp. Georges with Joyau, called d'Assar, Saint Vincent and Picot, went to receive this third debarkation: the whole assembled at the farm de la Poterie. A fourth landing was expected; the

vessels were in sight, but contrary winds prevented them from approaching: a few days ago they were still making signals. Georges and Pichegru arrived at Paris, where they lodged in the same house surrounded by about thirty brigands, under the command of Georges; an interview took place between them and Moreau: the place, the day, and the hour, were the first conference was held, are known-a second was agreed on, but did not take place; a third and a fourth took place, even in the house of general Moreau. The presence of Georges and Pichegru at Paris, these conferences with general Moreau, are confirmed by incontestable and numerous proofs. Georges and Pichegreu have been traced from house to house. Scarch has also been made for those who assisted at their landing; those who, under the cloud, conducted them from post to post; those who gave them an asylum at Paris: their confidants and accomplices. Lajollais, their principal agent, and general Moreau, are arrested; the effects and papers of Pichegru have been seized, and the police is employing the greatest activity to find him. England wishes to overthrow our government, and by this overthrow to effect the ruin of France, to deliver it up to ages of civil war and confusion. But to overturn a government, maintained by the affection of thirty million of citizens, and surrounded by a brave, powerful, and faithful army, was a task, not only superior to the strength of England, but of all Europe. England, therefore, had no hopes of accomplishing her design, but by the assassination of the first consul, and by covering this assassination

under

under the shadow of a man who was still protected by the remembrance of his service. I must add, that the citizens need be under no uneasiness. The greater part of the brigands have been arrested; the rest have fled, and are closely pursued by the police. No suspicion attaches to any class of citizens, or to any branch of administration. I shall not give any further details in this report; you have seen all the papers; you will, therefore, give orders for their being laid before the eyes of justice. Signed by the grand judge, minister of justice,

Regnier. Certified in due form, the secretary of state,

and not without reason. The residence of a foreign minister is every where designed for the ascertaining and maintaining those bonds of friendship, confidence, and honour, that unite states, and whose preservation constitutes the glory of a government, and the happiness of the people. But these are not the views of the diplomatic agent of the British government. I shall lay before you, citizen consul, the direct correspondence which Mr. Drake, the English ambassador to the elec tor of Bavaria, has held for these four months with agents sent, paid, and employed by him in the heart of the republic. This correspondence consists of ten original letters, H. B. Maret. written in his own hand.*—I shall also lay before you the instructions which that gentleman is charged to distribute to his agents, and an authentic account of the sums already paid, and of those promised, as an encouragement and reward of crimes, which the mildest laws every where punish with death. not as the representative of his Sovereign that Mr. Drake came to Munich, with the title of plenipotentiary. This is merely his ostensible character, a pretence for sending him: the genuine object of his mission is to recruit for agents of intrigue, revolt, and assassination: to stir up a war of plunder and murder against the French government, and to wound the neutrality and the dignity of the government where he resides.-It is premised, though Mr. Drake appears ostensibly as a pub lic character, he is in reality (as his private instructions prove) the secret director of English machinations on the continent; the sinews of which are gold, corruption, the foolish hopes of those concerned in the

First Report of the Grand Judge Regnier to the First Consul, on the alledged Conspiracies against him, fomented by the English Ambassador at Munich.

Citizen First Consul,

I think it my duty to separate from the information respecting the vile conspiracy, which public justice will shortly bring to public view and punish, those pieces of additional correspondence, which, in this great affair, and, as far as concerns the police, is but trifling; but, in its political point of view, seems to me of a nature that cannot fail to open the eyes of Europe to the despicable character of the English ministry, the meanness of its agents, and the miserable expedients it has recourse to for accomplishing its views.-An English minister is accredited at a court bordering on France: the manners of the people attach dis tinctions and privileges to this place,

It was

Those pieces which follow in the original, it is impossible from their length to insert here.

plot

plot, and of all the ambitious people of Europe. His aim is plainly pointed out in the 18 articles of instructions with which Mr. Drake furnishes his agents, and which form the first of the pieces added to this report. Art. 2. The principal point in view being the overthrow of the present government, one of the principal means of accomplishing this is, the obtaining a knowledge of the plans of the enemy; for this purpose it is of the utmost importance to begin by establishing a correspondence with the different bureaus, for the obtaining particular information of all the plans, both as to the exterior as well as to the interior. The knowledge of these plans suggests the best mode of rendering them abortive, and the want of success is the most effectual means of discrediting the government, the first, and most important step towards the end proposed.-7. To gain over those employed in the powder-mills, so as to be able to blow them up, as occasion may require.-8. It is indispensibly necessary to gain over a certain number of printers and engravers, that may be relied on, to print and execute every thing that the confederacy may stand in need of.-9. It is very much to be wished, that a perfect knowledge may be gained of the situation of the different parties in France, and particularly in Paris: -13. It is well understood, that every means must be tried to disorganize the armies, both in and out, of the republic. Thus you see that the real objects of Mr. Drake's mission are to bring fire and flames into the republic, to blow up the powder-mills, to procure trusty printers and engravers for the purposes of forgery, to penetrate into the heart

of every assembly, to arm one party against the other; and, in fine, to disorganize the armies. But, happily, this evil genius is not so powerful in its means, as it is fertile in illusions and sinister projects; were it otherwise, there would be an end of society. Hatred, craft, gold, and a total indifference as to the means employed, are neither wanting to Mr. Drake nor the immoral policy of the government whose agent he is. But they do not possess power enough to shake the organization of France, which is of the strongest nature, having its foundation in the affections of thirty millions of citizens, cemented together by their joint strength and interest, and animated by the wisdom and genius of the government.Those who consider nothing of any value besides gold, whose only abilities consist in low intrigue, are not able to conceive the strength and power of a combination of circumstances, the result of ten years of sufferings, and ten years of victories, of a concurrence of events, and of the establishment of a noble nation, founded on the dangers and efforts of a glorious war, and a terrible revolution. In the midst of these means, Mr. Drake sees nothing but opportunities for intrigue, and the efforts of spies. "During my

stay in Italy," he says to one of his correspondents, (Munich, Jan. 27.) "I had connection with the interior of France:-I should continue to have them, as I am at this moment, of all the English ministers, the nearest to the frontiers."-This is his' pretence for exercising his utmost endeavours for the overthrow of France. But his means are not better than his right. He has agents in whom he dares not confide. His

doubtful

doubtful correspondents write to him via Swisserland,, Strasburg, Kehl, Offenburg, and Munich. He has subalterns in these cities, to take especial care of his correspondence. He makes use of forged passports, of fictitious names, of sympathetic ink. These are the modes of communication through which he transmits his ideas, projects, and rewards; and, by these means, he is informed of the schemes planned by his orders for raising insurrections, in the first place, in four departments; for raising an army, increasing the number of the disaffected, and overthrowing the consular government: These efforts and promises are too mad, and the vile miserable methods employed are too disproportioned to the difficulties of the enterprize, to give any uneasiness as to their success. But it is not with regard to what may occasion fear, nor with a view of punishing, that the operations of that interior arrange ment, called the police, acts; its principal object is, not alone to prevent crimes as that of the exterior is to confine ambition, but to remove even the very occasion of vice and weakness. In those countries that are the best governed, there are always to be found certain persons who suffer themselves to be led astray by a sort of innate inconstancy. In the best regulated commonwealths there are to be found perverse and weak men. It has always been considered by my predecessors as a duty to watch over such persons, not in the vain hope of rendering them good, but to stop the developement of their vices; and as, on this head, all civilized nations have the same interests to watch over, and the same duty to fulfil, it has always been a received maxim, that no government should suffer a standard to

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be created, around which hirelings of every country or profession might gather, for the purpose of planning a general disorganization, and much less should they permit an infamous school for bribery, and recruiting, to the prejudice at once of the fidelity, constancy, affections, and conscience of the citizens.-Mr. Drake had an agency at Paris; but other ministers, the instruments of discord, and exciters of mischief, like him, may also have agencies. Mr. Drake, in his correspondence, unmasks ali those that exist in France, by the very measures he takes to deny that he knows any thing of them."I repeat, that I have no knowledge of the existence of any other society besides yours. But I repeat to you, (he observes in several places) that if there does, I do not doubt but that your friends will take the neces sary measures, not only not to embar rass one another, but to be mutually serviceable to each other." In fine, he adds, (Munich, Dec. 9, 1803) with a brutal fury, and worthy of the part he plays" It is of very little consequence by whom the beast is brought to the ground, it is sufficient that you are all ready to join in the chace."-Pursuant to this system, on the first breaking out of the conspiracy, that now employs the hand of justice, he writes: "If you see any means of extricating any of Georges' associates, do not fail to make use of them;" and as his evil genius is never discouraged, even in his disgrace, Mr. Drake will not have his friends give themselves up for lost in this unexpected reverse of fortune." I earnestly request you," he writes (Munich, 25th Feb. 1804,)" to print and distribute a short address to the army, immediately (both to the officers and soldiers.) The main point is to gain partisans

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