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"has been done or attempted be- which had been exhibited by the

"yond their first wishes, command"ed, perhaps, by circumstances "stronger than men, cannot con"stitute either the duration, the "force, or the happiness of a great 66 empire. We shall not, citizen "first consul, point out the mode "most suitable to be adopted for "the accomplishment of our wish. "We trust, in this respect, to the "wisdom of the first authority of the state, and to your wisdom. "But let us be fearful of dissem"bling the truth from ourselves.-"The moments are pressing. Our "implacable enemies are observing

66 us.

We know what frightful 66 projects they have shewn them"selves capable of. They will ne

ver cease meditating our ruin, "before strong, generous, and last"ing institutions have convinced "them that our ruin is impossible." (Signed) The twelve mayors, the twenty-four assistant mayors, the five members of the council of prefecture, the prefect, and the secretary general.

Matters being so far prepared, a proposition was submitted to the tribunate, on the 1st May, by one of Bonaparte's creatures, named Curée, for conferring on Napoleon Bonaparte the rank and title of emperor of the French, and of making the said rank and title hereditary in his family, according to the laws of primogeniture.

Carnot was the only member of that body who ventured to oppose the proposition.

He began, by declaring that he should preserve the same moderation, in delivering his opinion,

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tribunes, who had spoken in favour of the motion. He referred those who might be inclined to put a bad construction on his motives, to a rigid examination of his conduct, since the commencement of the revolution. He asked if it were to grant the first consul a reward for his services, to offer him the sacrifice of liberty. If it were not to destroy Bonaparte's own work, to make France his private patrimony. "I voted," continued the orator, "against the consulate for life, and "I will not this day pursue a dif"ferent course. I will be consis"tent with myself. But the mo"ment that the proposed order of "things is established, I will be the "first to conform to it, and yield "to the new authority proofs of my deference. May all the mem"bers of the community follow my example." He cited a number of passages from the Roman history, to shew that a government placed in the hands of an individual was no pledge of its stability or tranquillity. He drew the same inference from the History of France, where intestine commotions and civil discords existed under the government of princes. After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte had the choice of a republic or a monarchy-but he swore to defend the former, and to respect the wishes of France, who had made him her guardian. Now it is proposed to render that power a property, of which, at present, only the administration is possessed. The Romans were most jealous of their liberty, and Camillus, Fabius, and Cincinnatus only saved the country by relinquishing the power which had been confided to them. The liberty of Rome perished as

soon

soon as Cæsar had usurped absolute to excite several vehement replies power. It was reserved for the new and animadversions on his conduct. world to teach the old the practica- He was asked, if he adopted the probility of a nation's enjoying liberty per means of manifesting his rewith the rising prosperity of the spect for the laws, in reminding people. Will the opinion of the them, that he had, on a former ocpublic functionaries be the free wish casion, voted against the consulate of the whole nation? Will there for life, sanctioned by the suffrages not be inconveniencies attending the of more than a million of Frenchavowal of opposite sentiments? Is men? If he had forgotten the rethe press so far restrained and de- gimen of 1793, and that horrible degraded, that it will be impossible to cemviral committee, which, in cold, make, in the public prints, respect- blood, signed arrests for death and ful remonstrances against the pro- proscriptions? It was astonishing, posed arrangement? Does the ex- to hear of opposition to a measure,. pulsion of the Bourbons involve the which alone could prevent the renecessity of a new dynasty? May turn of similar miseries. The quesnot the establishment of that dynasty tion was not concerning the interests. place obstacles in the way of a ge- of individuals, but the interests of neral peace? Will it be recognized the nation at large; a measure which by foreign powers? In case of re- would realize the plan of governfusal to recognize it, must arms ne- ment, formed by the constituent ascessarily be resorted to? In that sembly in 1789. case, the security of the French nation would be, perhaps, endangered for an empty title. The means of consolidation consist in adherence to justice. Far be it from him to make any particular application, or to cast any blame, on the operations of government. Is liberty, then, disclosed to man, only that it may never be enjoyed? He could not, however, consent to regard it as a mere chimera; and his heart told him, that its government is easy. He concluded, by declaring his readiness to sacrifice his personal opinion to the interests of his country. His respect for the law would remain unalterable-his desire was to see every sentiment united against their eternal, their implacable enemy; that enemy who is now meditating universal oppression.

The speech of Carnot, temperate as it was, and apparently delivered in a tone of constraint, did not fail 2

The discussion was resumed on the ensuing day, and the proposi-: tion was principally supported by a member, named Fayard, who, after expatiating on the transcendent merits and services of Bonaparte, and, by laying down the principle that nations have the right to enjoy that form of government, for which they are by nature best adapted, he proceeded, by observing, that in vain political maladies affect and suspend those principles for a moment—the crisis ceases, and nature resumes her rights. It is in the nature of things, that a country of vast extent, whose security is not guaranteed by its physical position, and whose relations with its neighbours incessantly menace its tranquillity, ought to be governed by one head. Rome, at her birth, had kings, because the surrounding nations were ruled by kings. Rome, after conquering her neighbours, expelled the kings, and

created

created consuls. When her power had gone beyond the limits of her territories, when she had to combat nations far removed from the centre of her dominions, even the exces, sive love of freedom could not prevent the ruin of the republic, and emperors were elevated to the throne. Fortunate would it have been for that great nation, if the first of their emperors had, as he had it in his power, made the government hereditary in his family. The scenes which covered the throne with blood; the civil wars which dissolved that vast empire, aud precipitated its downfal, would not have sullied the page of the history of those masters of the world. On the ruins of a monarchy destroyed, an attempt was made to substitute a monarchical government. France must have been destroyed, if the genius of Bonaparte had not crected the consulate to precede, for a few years, the creation of the imperial dignity. He is called to this elevated station by the unanimous wish. He had, as first consul, the power of performing vast services, and you have seen all his measures attended with a success unexampled in the page of the history of the world. This was sufficient for his own glory, but not enough for the happiness of France. If empires prosper under a great man, the moment which deprives them of their services, menaces them with some dreadful explosion, if the same monarch does not substitute in his place, him who is to be his sucIt is then that ambition becomes inflamed, and long before ambition prepares in secret the means of supplanting rivals. Long dissentions, succeeded by civil wars, agitate the minds of men, disturb, for ages, the union of the citizens;

eessor.

and the people are often so unfortu nate as not to discern, amongst the rival candidates, the one most worthy to receive the sceptre, of which death has bereaved the object of their regret. What can prevent these disasters? A constitutional law, which gives the line of succession, and which gives to the family of the chief the new dynasty. This was the object of the nation; and if the throne were to be the reward of the virtues of the great man called to the imperial dignity, the succession to it by his family, would guarantee to France ages of glory and repose.

It was observed, by another member, that absolute monarchy was the most degrading of systems, but that monarchy, connected with the representative system, conciliated political and civil liberty; and that was the system which Napoleon was about to establish.

The sitting concluded with the motion declaring the discussion to be closed, and that a report should be made on the next day on the ori ginal proposition.

Accordingly, on the 3d of May, the tribunate having heard the report of the special commission appointed to consider the proposition made by citizen Curée, resolved, 1st, "That "Napoleon Bonaparte should be

proclaimed emperor of the French,

and, in that quality, be charged "with the government of France. "2d. That the title of emperor,

together with the imperial pre"rogatives, should be hereditary in his family, in the male line, and " in the order of primogeniture.

3d. That the constituted authori"ties, in forming the necessary re"gulations for the establishment of "the hereditary power, should "make all due provisions for preserving

serving equality, liberty, and the rights of the people. 4th. That "the present vote should be carried "to the senate by a deputation of "six members, who were to explain "the motives which had induced "the tribunate to adopt this resolu ❝tion."

Upon the above vote, the follow, ing decree was passed :

"The tribunate considering that, "at the breaking out of the revo"lution, when the national will had "an opportunity of manifesting it"self with the greatest freedom, the 66 general wish was declared for the individual unity of the supreme 66 power, and for the hereditary "succession of that power; that "the family of the Bourbons, hav"ing, by their conduct, rendered "the hereditary government odious "to the people, forced them to lose "sight of its advantages, and drove "the nation to seek for a happier destiny in a democratical form of 66 government; that France hav. ing made a trial of different forms "of goverment, experienced from "them only the miseries of anar

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great states, ancient or modern, "and to the first wish of the na❝tion, expressed in 1789; that, "enlightened and supported by this "experience, the nation now re"turns to this wish more strongly "than ever, and expresses it on "all sides; that, in all political "charges, it has been usual for na❝tions to confer the supreme power "on those to whom they owe their

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safety; that, when France de"mands for her security, an herc"ditary chief, her gratitude and "affection call on Bonaparte;

that France will preserve all the "advantages of a revolution, by "the choice of a new dynasty, as "much interested for her benefit, as "the old one would be for her de "struction; that France may expect from the family of Bona. parte, more than from any other, "the maintenance of the rights and "liberties of the people who chose "them, and all those institutions "best calculated to support them. "But there is no title more suited "to the dignity of the supreme "chief of the French nation than "the title of emperor."

66 chy; that the state was in the 66 present peril when Bonaparte, 66 brought back by Providence, sud"denly appeared for its salvation; "that under the government of a single individual, France reco"vered tranquillity at home, and "acquired abroad the highest con"sideration and glory; that the 66 plots formed by the house of "Bourbon, in concert with a mi"nistry, the implacable enemy of "France, warned France of the "danger which threatens her, if "losing Buonaparte, she continued "exposed to the agitation insepa"rable from an election; that the "consulate for life, and the power

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The tribunate, exercising the right given them, by the 29th arti cle of the constitution, have come to the following vote, [reciting the above mentioned vote].

The foregoing decree having been put to the vote by the president of the tribunate, it was

carried

carried by acclamation, with the single exception of the only member who delivered his sentiments against it.

Citizen Jard Pauvilliers was named head of the deputation, for presenting it to the conservative senate. The other five members were chosen by lot.

This decree was accordingly presented to the senate on the 4th of May, and the following speech was delivered by the vice president on the occasion,

"Citizens Tribunes, this day ❝ will form a memorable æra. It is "the day, on which, for the first time, you are called upon, to "exercise, with the conservative scnate, the republican and popular "privilege, which the fundamental "laws of the constitution have de.

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of our opinions. Like you, ci"tizens tribunes, we do not wish to "return to the Bourbons, because

we do not wish a counter-revolu"tion, which is the only benefit we "could derive from those unfortu"nate exiles, who carried with

66 legated to you. You could not "exercise this prerogative, at a 46 more favourable moment, or apply it to an object of more im"portance than the present. Citi-"them despotism, nobility, feudal

zen tribunes, you express to the "trustees of the national rights, a wish truly national. I can not 66 remove the veil which conceals for a time, the labours of the senate on this important subject. "I must inform you, however, in "the mean time, that since the 6th "of Germinal, (March 27) the senate

has directed the attention of the "first magistrate to the same sub"ject. The senate has previously sounded the public opinion, and has announced it to the govern"ment. But, you will find your "advantages and privileges, when 66 you observe, that what we have "been thinking of in silence for two months, the peculiar nature "of our institution, and the place you hold in the constitution, has

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tyranny, slavery, and ignorance; "and who, still to augment their "crimes, have encouraged the hope "that their return to France might "be effected by the way of Eng"land. Like you, citizens tri"bunes, we wish to raise a new dynasty, because we wish to secure to the French people, all their rights which they have re-con"quered, and which the folly of

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"their enemies would take from "them. Like you, citizens, tri"bunes, we wish that liberty, equa"lity, and knowledge, may no

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more have a retrograde motion. "I do not speak of the great man,

called upon by his glory, to give "his name to the age in which he "lives, and who ought to be called upon by our wishes to consecrate

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