Mr. Pitt, whom they represented as sincerely lamenting it, but, on the one hand, to objections said to prevail in the ROYAL BREAST against the admission of Mr. Fox to stations such as those which Mr. Pitt had recommended to be offered to him and on the other hand, to a determination, on the part of the "new opposition," to withhold, without sufficient motive, those services which both their sovereign and their country were entitled to demand from them. The public opinion appeared, however, by no means to coincide with those who sought to apologise for the contracted and confessedly inadequate scale on which a government was now formed, destined to replace that, which the new ministers themselves had opposed in par liament on no other ground, than that of its alledged insufficiency to meet the dangers of the crisis. All' considerate men lamented to see the sacred character and person of the sovereign brought forward on such an occasion, and mixed in questions of political discussion among his subjects. Nor could they avoid condemning the principle of resorting to his name, as an apology for mea, sures, which by that very use of it. were confessed to be objectionableIt was sufficiently obvious, that if this practice were once admitted, no minister could be made responsible for any part of his public conduct; nor could the dignity of the crown of itself be maintained in that situation of sacred and inviolable reverence in which the constitution has placed it, when it has said, The new arrangements stood, therefore, as follows: that Mr. Pitt, First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, tice Mr. Addington. Lord Melville (late Mr. Dundas) First Lord of the Admiralty, vice the Earl of St. Vincent. Lord Harrowby, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, vice Lord Hawkesbury. Earl of Camden, Secretary of State for the Departinent of War and the Colonies, vice Lord Hobart. And Lord Mulgrave, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (with a seat in the Cabinet) vice Lord Pelham. Thus it will be seen that a majority of the late cabinet ministers were retained, ́ and formed a majority also of the present adininistration. The government of Ireland continued unchanged, with the exception of Mr. Wickham, Chief Secretary, who retired, from ill health, and was succeeded by Sir Evan Nepean. Nor were there any changes made in the law departments of either country. The alterations in the different public offices were as follows: The Right Hon. Win. Dundas, Secretary at War, vice Mr. Bragge. Right Hon. George Canning, Treasurer of the Navy, vice Mr. Tierney. Right Hon. George Rose, Joint Paymasters of 5 Mr. Steele, Right Hon. Lord Charles Somerset, 3 the Forces, rice Mr. Hiley Addington. Duke of Montrose, Joint Postmaster-General, vice Lord Auckland, William Huskisson, esq. William Sturges Bourne, esq.Secretaries to the Treasury, vice Mr. Vansittart. With various changes in the high offices in the king and queen's household. For the particulars of which, we refer our readers to the "Promotions," at the end of the "Chronicle" of the present volume. that the king himself can do no wrong: but that in every exercise of any part of his constitutional authority, those servants who execute his commands are considered as advising them, and are responsible for them both to themselves and to their country. It was also agreed, on all hands, that this principle, universally true, is, nevertheless, most particularly applicable to those acts of sovereign authority, which are of a harsh or ungracious tendency. The personal proscription of any individual, (much more, that of so great and eminent a statesman as Mr. Fox,) when his services were thought necessary by the ministers themselves; -by the parliament;-and by the people, was felt to be new to our constitution, both in practice and in principle: and it was remembered, that in the instances of all the greatest statesmen whom the country had seen, their sovereigns had condescended to dismiss all recollection of the opposition made by such persons to the men and manners of preceding administrations. Such had been the practice ever since the Revolution a practice to which the nation owed whatever advantage it had derived from the services of sir Robert Walpole, of lord Chatham, and even of Mr. Pitt himself and the recollection of these circumstances naturally led the public to ascribe their present disappointment to other causes, than those held out by the supporters of the new administration. With respect to the accusation made by the friends of Mr. Pitt against the new opposition," for declining to take a share in a government so constituted, the publication of the letter, to which we have before alluded, enables ns. to state their defence in the fairest manner, that is, in their own words. It was understood, that when Mr. Pitt consented to yield to the principle of exclusion, in the case of Mr. Fox, he was authorised to propose to lord Grenville and his friends, that they should form at leading part of the administration to be thus established; and that, this proposition having been considered by them, the answer was immediately returned in a letter, a copy of which was published, tho' without the authority either of lord Grenville or Mr. Pitt, but which has never been disavowed by them, and is generally allowed to be authentic. It is as follows: "My dear Pitt, "I have already apprized you, "that all the persons to whom, at "your desire, I communicated what "passed between us yesterday, 66 66 66 agree with me in the decided 66 opinion, that we ought not to engage in the administration which you are now employed in forming.-We should be sincerely sorry if, by declining this proposal, we should appear less de"sirous than we must always be, "of rendering to his majesty, to "the utmost of our power, every "advice of which he may be graci"ously pleased to think 'us capable. "No consideration of personal "ease or comfort, no apprehension "of responsibility, nor reluctance "to meet the real situation into which "the country has been brought, "have any weight in this decision: "nor are we fettered by any en"gagement on the subject either "expressed or implied; we rest ❝our determination solely on our strong sense of the impropriety "of our becoming parties to a sys"tem of government which is to be "formed, at such a moment as the "present, on a principle of exclu❝ sion. "It is unnecessary to dwell on "the mischiefs which have already "resulted from placing the great "offices of government, in weak "and incapable hands. We see no "hope of any effectual remedy for "these mischiefs, but by uniting "in the public service as large a 'proportion as possible of the "weight, talents, and character "to be found in public men of all 666 descriptions, and without any "exception.' This opinion I have "already had occasion to express "to you in the same words, and "we have, for some time past, been "publicly acting in conformity to "it; nor can we, while we remain "impressed with that persuasion, "concur in defeating an object "for which the circumstances of "the times afford at once so strong "an inducement, and so favourable ❝an occasion. 66 "interests; and the advantages which, not this country alone, "but all Europe, and the whole "civilized world, might derive from "the establishment of such an "administration, at such a crisis, "would probably have exceeded the "most sanguine expectations. "We are certainly not ignorant "of the difficulties which might "have obstructed the final accom"plishment of such an object, however earnestly pursued. But when, in the very first instance, "all trial of it is precluded, and "when the denial is made the con"dition of all subsequent arrange "ments, we cannot but feel that "there are no motives, of whatever "description, which could justify "our taking an active part in the "establishment of a system so adverse to our deliberate and de"clared opinions. ❝ I remain, (Signed) "My dear Pitt, &c. &c. &c. "Grenville." We shall here conclude the present chapter; once more referring our readers to the ample detail of the parliamentary proceedings, which occupy the preceding pages, for the few public measures which took place after the change of government; and reserving to our next vo.. lume the account of the changes, which, at the opening of the succeeding session, appeared to have been made during the autumn, in the relation in which the parties led by Mr. Pitt, and the late minister, stood towards each other*, An attempt was made, on the 19th of June, at a common council held in the city of London, and which was very numerously attended, to pass a vote of thanks to the late prime minister (Mr. Addington) " for the patriotism and public spirit exemplified in his acceptance of that arduous situation, at a period the most event"ful, and for œconomical application of the national resources; and, above all, for 46 "the "the steady attachment to the principles of the constitution, and that uniform regard to the liberties of the people, which have so eminently distinguished his administra"tion." To the substance of this motion, it was objected by a warm opposition to its passing, that, at the time of Mr. Addington's acceptance of office, he was unknown to the world as a statesman; that he accepted the ministry on a principle of exclusion, and as the declared enemy of the liberties of a great proportion of the people, so far as respected the Catholic question; points, for which it would be ridiculous to thank him: That the people had spontaneously provided for the na tional defence, which his complicated and feeble measures rather impeded than put into effect:-That his economy could not be praised, as, during his administration, no enterprise of glory had been undertaken or achieved; and, therefore, our expences could not be great, when our operations were solely confined to defence:And, that his regard for the liberties of the people, and the constitution, were best shewn by the operation of his income tax, and the late window duty, (which last gave surveyors the right of entering our houses) which were direct infringements upon both. An amendment was consequently moved on the original motion, which was carried by a great majority, and was in the following terms:-"That, however "this court may regard the good intentions of his majesty's late ministers, it is their "decided conviction, that the extraordinary circumstances of the times do impe"riously require a strong, extended and efficient administration, combining men of "the first talent and consideration in the country:-They do, therefore, highly approve of the conduct of the right honourable Henry Addington, in resigning "the important and responsible situation which he held under his majesty's government, when be found he no longer enjoyed that confidence and support, so essential towards conducting the public affairs with energy and success. They cannot, at the same time, but deeply regret, that the late partial changes in his majesty's councils, should appear so little calculated to promote the great inte rests of the nation, and to secure the confidence of the parliament and the peo ple, so necessary at this momentous crisis." CHAP IX. Retrospective View of the Situation of the Country.-Reduced State of the Army and Navy-Causes thereof.-State of Europe at the Beginning of the Year.--Capture of Gorce by the French-Kecapture.-Loss of the Apollo and her Convoy on the Coast of Portugal.-New Naval Administration.-Conduct of Lord Melville, as First Lord of the Admiralty.Unsuccessful Attempt of Sir Sydney Smith on the French Flotilla.-Capture of Surinam by the British Force.-Farther unsuccessful Attempts on the French Flotilla.-Defeat of Admiral Linois in the Indian Seas by the East India Company's Homeward-bound Fleet.—Catamaran Project— Total Defeat thereof.-Capture of the Spanish Treasure Ships.-Con clusion. E were unwilling, in the try in a state of indubitable securi We volume, but to give too minutely to enquire into the causes of that want of decision and energy in the operations of the war, which materially affected the character of the nation abroad, and damped, in a considerable degree, its spirit at home. The want of information, on many points connected with these subjects, induced us to defer our investigation, until time had afforded sufficient lights for so important a branch of our duty; and we shall now proceed, before we narrate the great events of the year, to consider, retrospectively, the circumstances which crippled our national exertions, and which at length induced the country to call, with irresistible effect, for a change of government. The immense pecuniary resources of the empire, and the liberality with which they were contributed for every purpose of national defence, gave the public a right to look for armies and fleets, sufficiently numerous not only to place the coun neral and effectual annoyance, which might induce him to curb his restless ambition, and restore tranquillity to Europe. In the application of these great means, however, Mr. Addington's ministry were miserably deficient.— To restore the reduced regular force, disposable for every purpose of defensive and offensive measures, no direct means were taken: while to raise an armed body, limited both in respect of locality and duration of service, the legislation were wearied for the greater part of two sessions. of parliament, in discussing and enacting bills for its encouragement, to the extinction of any possible means of recruiting the regular army. To the individual who entered into the former service, the premium, for his life engagement, to serve in every clime, was small and bounded; in the latter, as a substitute, he might demand and obtain any sum, his principal was disposed to give and even the volun teer |