of the conduct which Pitt has since observed. It gives me great pleasure to see, that while my difference with Addington becomes every day more marked, all the motives which made Pitt and me differ in opinion and conduct, daily decrease. We have not, however, yet been able to assimilate completely our plans of political condut. Our situation, indeed, in one essential point of view, is entirely different.-Though he did not recommend Addington to his present employment (and, in. deed, who is there that knows him would have done it?), he neverthe less gave him a certain portion of influence, more active than my opinion would have permitted me to grant, in the formation of the new administration. He advised their measures a long time after I had ceased to have any intercourse with them, and he approved of them in different points, which appeared to me the most criminal, and which were indeed so, as proved by the event. He is consequently more hampered in his conduct than I am, and he does not at present enjoy the inestimable advantage which I possess, of never having concealed nor compromised my opinion, in regard to matters of so much political importance; but, I believe that his ideas on their political conduct are not much different from mine, if they differ at all, and to all this must be added a resentment justly merited from the personal conduct of Mr. Addington towards him. He does not endeavour to conceal his sentiments. If he has written to you (which he certainly must have done, had he not contracted the bad habit of never writing to any one) he must have expressed to you, I am persuaded, all these sentiments with

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ont reserve; and it is under this persuasion that I enlarge so much to you on his opinions. The measure, indeed, which he has lately adopted (I allude to his motion of adjourn ment, on the vote of censure, ill judged in itself, as I think it was, and unfortunate in its result, since it lessened his public influence), has, at least, the merit of expressing, in an unequivocal manner, his disapprobation of the conduct of government. I will not hazard a conjecture in regard to the new events which may take place before your arrival, and the only advice I wish to give you is, what I have more than once suggested, not to engage for any thing until you return, but to retain the liberty of acting, according to such motives as you shall judge proper to direct your conduct when you are on the spot, and according as the different relations between persons at the head of affairs in the different subdivisions of parties, shall have enabled you to judge what suits you best. In regard to the idea thrown out, in the extract you have sent me from your letter to Mr. Addington, you ought, in my opinion, to consider it only as a possible, though remote event. As for eternal enmity, I detest the idea; and, if I have an eternal enmity, it is against the partisans of a principle so detestable. But much is due to public opinion, as well as to the personal situation and character of individuals, which ought to be respected long after they have ceased to have resentment, or to take pleasure in giving proofs of it; and nothing appears to me less probable than to see Pitt and me, at any near period (perhaps I may say, at any period of our lives), reconciled, and disposed to re-establish with Ad

dington

four parties into which the public men of the day were chiefly divided, namely, the supporters of government, the friends of Mr. Pitt, the "old" and the "new" opposition, were found nearly in the same relation to each other, as we have here stated. A common sentiment, howevor, of the inadequacy of the administration, to whom, in the most critical and alarming circumstances, the safety of the British empire was now confided; confessedly to the exclusion of so many persons of all descriptions, distinguished both by experience and talent, appeared to have led to more intercourse than had hitherto taken place between the "o" and "new" opposition: and it was generally understood, that, without any compromise of their opinions, on points respecting which they had formerly differed, these parties were now disposed to unite their efforts, for the accom. plishing an object, on the necessity of which they both perfectly agreed, that of the substitution of as vigorous and efficient a government as the talents of the country could supply, in order to meet a danger, against which no exertions could be considered as too powerful.

The course of the discussions which took place in the earlier part of the session, will be found particularly stated under the head of our parliamentary proceedings. From most of these, Mr. Pitt was either absent, or took in them only such a part, as did not convey any distinct pledge of his sentiments respecting the great question on which the public opinion was now so much agitated--that of the sufficiency of the government to meet the urgency of so diflicult a crisis. At length, however, early in the spring of the

present year, Mr. Pitt came forward, with a more decisive avowal of his sentiments on this important subject; and not only declared his total disapprobation of the particular measures for the national defence, proposed by ministers, (and then under the consideration of parliament) but also arraigned, in terms of the bitterest sarcasm, and severest invective, their general conduct of the public interests, both at home and abroad; expressing, at the same time, his absolute conviction, grounded on experience, that the safety of the country required the formation of a more efficient government. This opinion, which had so long been urged by the other parties in opposition, was already very generally prevalent in the public; and the declaration now made, of the accession of Mr. Pitt and his friends to the same sentiment, was at once decisive, upon the existence of Mr. Addington's administration. It became now manifest, that, with the exception of the immediate adherents of that administration, all other parties were agreed, both as to the necessity of a change, and as to the means by which that change might most speedily be effectednamely, those of a strong opposi tion in parliament, avowedly directed to produce, by constitutional means, that great national object.

The strength of the government, on the one hand, and, on the other, that of the three parties thus united for the purpose of compelling a change of administration, were found, by repeated divisions in both houses of parliament, to be nearly balanced: but the weight of public opinion, in favour of the latter, left no doubt which scale must ultimately preponderate.

It is to the praise of Mr. Adding ton, that to this state of things, with such an opposition ranged against him, as could leave no question of the real sentiments of parliament or the public, he yielded without hesitation; and instead of attempting by a fruitless resistance, to prolong a struggle, which, in a moment of so much difficulty the public interests could but ill endure, he gave to his sovereign, that, which, in such a case, was the only sound and constitutional advice-namely, that a new ministry should, without delay, be formed, possessing more of the confidence both of parliament and of the public; and declarations, amounting in substance to this effect, although couched in terms of some ambiguity and reserve, were made both in the house of lords and house of commons.

When the resignation of Mr. Addington was thus announced, there universally prevailed throughout the country a greater degree of unanimity, as well of wish as of opinion, as to the steps to be next taken, than has, perhaps, ever been witnessed in any other case of a similar description. The increasing dan gers of the country had produced a general call for the union and cooperation of all those, whose services could in any manner be useful to the interests of the public. This sentiment had been echoed by every party, and by every description of people. The government had recommended, that all political differences should be swallowed up in an universal exertion for the common defence, to be made under their united auspices. The three parties which had at length joined in opposition, had successively shewn, both by their language and their practice,

that they also wished to bury in oblivion the memory of past differences, and to unite in exertions for the common security; although they deemed it essential to the success of these exertions, that the direction of them should be entrusted to such hands as might, in the general opinion of mankind, be reasonably deemed adequate to such a task.The country at large rejoiced to see those great political leaders, by whose divisions the public mind had so long been distracted, now united in the same course of conduct, and acting in parliament with that commanding effect, which was naturally to be expected from such a concur

rence.

Whatever private predilections were rumoured to prevail in ANY QUARTER, no doubt was entertained, but that the general wish would be gratified by the formation of a government, such as this new state of things seemed to render practicable, and as all men felt to be desirable: a government, embracing all that could be found in the country most eminent in talent and consideration.

Such was the course, by which, in former periods of public danger, (formidable at the period, though little to be compared in magnitude with that by which the country was now menaced,) the public spirit had been raised from dejection and despondency to the highest animation and most vigorous exertion: and a train of disgraces and defeats had been followed by a long series of triumph and victory. The hope of a similar result, in the present instance, was strengthened by the public declarations of the most considerable persons of every political party, and by the uniform language