Lords Auckland and Hawkesbury supported the bill, and lord Ellenborough opposed it, as one, that went to punish the innocent as well as the guilty. On the day appointed for, the final discussion, lord Grenville again supported the bill, on the grounds he had before urged. The Lord Chancellor considered, that this bill rested on principles very like those of the corresponding society, and reform clubs. He considered it most unconstitutional, and unprecedented, as the punishment was not intended to fall upon the guilty, but upon all, indiscriminately. After a pretty long discussion, the house divided: for the bill 39, against it 32. Previously to the termination of the session, Mr. Windham took an opportunity of asking for information from ministers, respecting the case of captain Wright, who was made a prisoner of war, when commanding his majesty's sloop "Vincego," and who had since been committed to close confinement in the Temple, for refusing to answer interrogatories put to him by the enemy, after his capture. On the 31st of July, the session closed. On that day the speaker, in presenting some bills for the royal assent, addressed his majesty on the throne*. He stated, "that the t house of commons had the proud satisfaction of seeing the national debt diminished, and the resources and prosperity of the country increase; that the commons had deli berated, with unceasing solicitude, on the best system for military defence; and, that the voluntary zeal of all ranks of people, to obtain the necessary discipline, had co-operated powerfully with the measures taken by parliament. They trusted, that with the blessing of God, this empire would outlast the storms, that had overwhelmed the continent of Europe; and that the other nations might witness the destruction of a tyranny, founded on fraud and violence, and cemented with inno. cent blood, and that they might recover their ancient power and independence." His majesty then addressed his parliament+. In the first part of his speech to both houses collective. ly, he praised the wisdom with which they had directed their attention to the encouragement and im provement of the volunteer force, which the ardour and spirit of his subjects had enabled him to carry to an unprecedented height: he concluded by noticing the additional force bill. He thanked the house of commons for the addition they had made to his civil list, and for the extensive provision which they had made for the exigencies of the public Vide "State Papers" page 193. + Vide "State Papers," page 599. ↑ Mr. Addington, while chancellor of the exchequer, moved certain resolutions for the purpose of paying the debt on the civil list, and increasing its establishment. The debt, that was to be paid off, amounted to 590,000l. and the annual increase he wished to make to the civil list was 60,000l. The debt had been two years and a half in contracting, and the necessity of incurring it had appeared, from various reports upon the subject, which had been before parliament during the last and present session. The causes of the debt, were the increased salaries VOL. XLVI. and I public service, and especially for their prudent attention to the permanent credit of the country, by making such great exertions to prevent an accumulation of the debt, and to raise, within the year, a considerable part of its expences. He then informed the parliament, that the preparations of the enemy, for carrying into execution the attempt they had so long menaced, were daily augmenting, and it seem ed as if it were only delayed for the purpose of obtaining increased means. He had no doubt, however, but, that by the blessing of Providence, it would end, not only in repelling the danger of the moment, but in establishing, in the eyes of foreign nations, the security of this country, upon a basis, never to be shaken. He also indulged a hope, that the exertions and example of this country, might have such an effect and establishments of foreign ministers; the increased expences of the royal household, in consequence of the high price of provisions; and, lastly, occasional payments, such as the payments to French emigrants, foreign secret services, and law charges: upon his proposing his first resolution, Mr. Bankes disapproved of the custom of coming to parliament with applications like the present. He thought the expences of the crown ought to be kept within the estimates which were presented. He wished that every possible economy might be used in the different apartments of the state; and asked if the 4 per cent. duties, which were applicable to the purposes of the civil list, had been paid to that account. Mr. Addington said, it was not in contemplation either to increase the magnificence of the throne, or the indulgencies of the illustrious family that filled it: all that was intended, was to support the monarchy in the same splendour, as the arrangement in 1786 was meant to give. The increased prices of every thing since that time, made it absolutely necessary to make an addition to the sum then granted. : Sir Francis Burdett, did not think it right, that the high price of provisions, and the pressure of the tines, should be made an argument for imposing additional burdens on the poorer classes of society, in order to relieve those who were more opulent. He thought, that the pressure of the times should be proportionably borne by every man and even those who administered the government, should feel some share of the inconveniencies to which the mass of the people was exposed. On looking over the list of those whose incomes were derived from pensions and sinecure places, he saw, with grief, that scarce any of them were obtained by merit. Lord Nelson, lord Hutchinson, and sir Sidney Smith, were poorly rewarded in comparison to many others, who had no claims but ministerial favour and patronage. He could not consent to vote a farthing for the payment of debts, that had been contracted contrary to law. He would not allow, that the country had at all improved its situation during the present reign. He concluded, by giving his decided negative to the resolution. The resolution was agreed to. On the question for the second reading the resolutions on the second of July, Mr. Johnstone opposed them. He would by no means allow, that his majesty had not been fully compensated for the loss of his hereditary revenue. thought, that with proper economy, the present allowance was sufficient. He Mr. Rose, and colonel Calcraft, were of opinion, that the addition of 60,000/. annually, was necessary to support the proper dignity of the throne. The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) replied to the objections which had been made, and the resolutions were agreed to without a division. effect upon other nations, as might lead to the re-establishment of such a system in Europe, as would oppose an effectual barrier to those schemes of unbounded ambition and aggrandisement, that threatened to overwhelm the continent of Europe. The parliament was then prorogued. 12 CHAP. CHAP. VIII. State of Parties at the Close of the Session of Parliament in the Year 1803 illustrated by an intercepted Letter, from Lord Grenville to the Marquis Wellesley.-Account of that Letter-generally conceived an authentic Document-and why.-Situation of the greatPolitical Parties at the Commencement of the Year-Union in Public Conduct of the "Old" and "New" Oppositions-gradual Accession of Mr. Pitt and his Friends thereto—Mr. Addington's Administration draws to a Period—and terminates-Mr. Pitt accepts the Office of Prime Minister-and forms a Government, to the Exclusion of the Two Parties with which he had lately acted-Great Disappointment of the Public thereon-Defence made for him -on what Grounds-Letter from Lord Grenville to Mr. Pitt. N our last volume, we brought tical situation of the different parties in parliament, to the close of the session in 1803. The publication of an intercepted letter, written about this period, from lord Grenville to the marquis Wellesley, governor-general in India, enables us to exhibit, for the information of our readers, a general view of this subject, such as it was then represented, by a person having a consi. derable share in these transactions ; and writing, in the most unreserved manner, to his intimate friend, The letter in question was published by the enemy. Of the motive and practice of such publications, most men will, on cool reflection, be inclined to disapprove: but as this, and a subsequent letter to Mr. Pitt, from the same person, were inserted in all the public pa derable light on the political transactions of the times, our readers will naturally expect, that they should find a place in this collection. With respect to the letter to lord Wellesley, it seems just to observe, that the original has not yet been published. A bald, and in some places, evidently, an inaccurate translation of it into French, was printed by the government of France; and this was again retranslated into the English newspapers. It is probable, therefore, that there must be considerable va riation in the expressions, although the sense has perhaps not been materially altered. My dear Wellesley,* "Two days ago, I received your letter, The letter here inserted, was one of eighty-four, from individuals in Great Britain, to their correspondents in India, found on board the Admiral Aplin, East India Company's ship, bound to Madras, when captured by the French squadroll, under Admiral Linois. It will be recollected, that this letter has undergone a double translation. letter, of the 16th of February, and I now reply to it, though I am not entirely certain when I shall have an opportunity of transmitting to you my answer. In regard to your stay in India, this question has been long ago decided; and so great is the distance which separates us, that before this can reach you, the time fixed for your departure will have arrived. I am not certain whether the event of the war which our wise ministers have at last declared, may not have induced them to beg you to continue your stay in India some time longer. No one was better able than they to appreciate the certainty of this event, so that we ought to suppose they have taken all those measures which the moment required; but every thing, however, shews that they were taken as much unawares, as if that event had been little expected. It is consequently not improbable, that when they found war unavoidable, that is to say, on the day when they declared it, they may have dispatched orders to you to remain in India. But as I am entirely ignorant on this subject, I cannot reason on it. Should this not he the case, I hope nothing will prevent me from having the pleasure of seeing you next year, supposing at that period that you have still a country to revisit.— When I make use of this expression, do not imagine that my dissatisfaction with the conduct of the government has made any change in my opinion respecting the means and resources of this country; I have never been among the number of croakers on this subject. It is not so much opinion (if I do not deceive myself), as a perfect knowledge equivalent to a certainty, which induces me to say, that the country possesses not only abundant and ample means of defence, but means sufficient to make our enemy repent of his hostile conduct, and to force him. to fear, and consequently to respect us. But hitherto there has been so much indecision, timidity, and slowness, in all the measures taken to call forth our resources, and all our courage at this moment exhibits so much the impression of fear, that I cannot speak with any satisfaction of the talents which have been called into action, or of the dispositions which have been made.-My course of political conduct, as you must have seen, differs more and more from that of government. In regard to the opinion I expressed on the peace, I have the satisfaction to find that justice is now done me in every part of the country. Not only have subsequent events proved that the small body with whom I acted in concert on this occasion, were composed of the only persons who then knew how to appreciate this measure and its consequences; but it has been generally acknowledged, that we rightly foresaw what would take place. All the infamous calumnies of government have fallen with double force on their own heads. In every thing I have since done, and in every thing I have abstained from doing, you will, I hope, perceive those sentiments, and those principles, from which no opinion, however unfavourable it may be to the personal conduct of any individual, shall ever make me deviate. Had I been certain of an opportu nity, I should have written you a detail of what has taken place since April last, in regard to the projected change in the government, and would have explained (as far as I have been able to understand them) the grounds |