of administration was merely to gain time, to get together the ministerial voters, it is unnecessary to detail their speeches. By the latter end of the evening, however, a ministerial majority was collected, and Mr. Grey's motion negatived by 214 to 185, being a majority of barely 29 in favour of ministers. On the 18th the amendments were read a third time, and another debate took place upon the question," that the bill, with its amendments, be engrossed." Mr. Elliot objected to the measure, both in its principles, and from the difficulty of its execution. He thought one of these three things must happen, if the men were to be had under it ;-either the parish officers must employ crimps, or they must use oppressive means of obliging men to enlist, or else the whole plan would turn out to be only a parochial tax. He considered, that the surest means of immediately reinforcing the regular army, were by the mode of recruiting proposed by Mr. Windham. General Maitland opposed the bill, and suggested the propriety of giving larger pay to the soldiers who were employed for general service, than was given to those upon limited service. General Gascoigne warmly supported the bill. Mr. Canning considered the plan as the best that had hitherto been proposed, both for keeping up an army in time of war, and in time of peace. He said, the opposers of the bill were so divided in their opinions about the best mode of increasing the army, that though they might agree in their votes, they would disagree in the lobby. As to the formation of the present ad-ministration, he confessed that he was as much disappointed as any man, but did not think he ought to relinquish the part he was called upon to act, merely because it was an arduous one. The principal. points in which he had complained of the late administration had been changed. Mr. Addington observed, that when Mr. Pitt first proposed his plan, the ballot was to have been retained; but, that since that time, he had been induced to abandon it: all he should say upon that point, was, that it was only a change from a measure of rigour, to a measure of inefficiency. He could not but look with constitutional jealousy on so large a force, that was not under the direct control of parliament. It had been his object to draw forward as much efficient strength as possible, without entirely altering the domestic habits of the people. He considered the militia as our constitutional force, and therefore he objected to its being reduced. He always thought that it should be increased in the same proportion that the regular army was increased. For home defence he should prefer the old militia, to the force now pro. posed. He, therefore, decidedly disapproved of the bill. Mr. Sheridan, considered the argument of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Addington) as clear and conclusive on the constitutional ground. He thought that gentleman's entering into office, was a sacrifice, and that his retirement was a triumph. His opposition to the minister, on this business, was manly and constitutional, and he had given him no insidious promises of assistance and support. He thought the manner of his retiring from office, did him much honour. When he HISTORY OF EUROPE. he found himself opposed, by a very formidable majority, he thought it right to quit the helm, and he wished the present minister would act in the same manner, now he found that his majorities were still smaller. Mr. S. here entered, at considerable length, and with much pointed sarcasm, on the composition of the present administration. As to this plan, which was expected to have come forth as an armed Minerva from the head of this great political Jupiter, we found it, on the contrary, to be a little puny, ricketty bantling, which, though sent to the parish nurse, had not the stamina to arrive at manhood. The man that had produced it, was always vaunting, gigantic in promises, and trilling and miserable in performance. The object of the bill was merely taxation, for it was ridiculous to suppose it could produce men. He objected to a great increase of the regular army, because large armies were always found destructive to civil liberty; but, he approved of arming the people, because there was no instance of an armed people acting as felo de se to the destruction of their own liberties. In this country, the rights of the people were to be attended to, as much as the defence of the country. University of MICHAN serve, that he could not conceive that it was at all unconstitutional to keep up, in time of war, and with the consent of parliament, whatever description of force might be considered most necessary for the defence of the country. This was a force, which would be no expence in peace, and which might be speedily brought forward upon any emergency. There was, certainly, no idea of keeping this force embodied in time of peace. He was sure, that no better mode of recruiting the regular army had, as yet, been pointed out; and, he really believed, none better could be pointed out. As to the hint, that had been kindly given to him to resign, it was not broad enough for him to take it. If even the pre-' sent bill was lost, he should regret it, as he considered it would be the loss of a measure likely to contribute a great deal to the public advantage. But, even in that case, he should not consider it his duty to resign. His majesty had, undoubtedly, the prerogative of choosing his own servants, and it was now too evident, that the wish for a change of ministers, had a great effect in the opposition to the present measure. He was a little surprised at meeting such decided opposition from many, with whom he had been in the habits of cordially uniting for such a length of time. He was surprised, that a noble lord (lord Temple) and his friends, who once were so partial to him, as to say, "that if he were once admitted into administration, their fears for the public safety would be considerably abated," should now consider it their duty to withhold their services from the public, on account of the exH 2 The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) said, the question might be resolved into these two heads: 1st, whether we had a regular army sufficient, under all the circumstances in which we are placed; and, 2dly, whether the present measure is not the best for supplying the deficiency? As to the first, it was universally admitted, that our regular army was not sufficient. As to the second head, he must ob clusion clusion of Mr. Fox, with whom they had been so little in the habit of coinciding. Mr. Fox said, that whatever personalities had been brought forward in this debate, were introduced by the right honourable gentleman, and by his friend, who sat near him (Mr. Canning). As to the principle, that his majesty had the undoubted prerogative of choosing his own ministers, it was universally allowed; but, it must also be granted, that the house of commons had a right to conduct itself in such a manner as to convince his majesty, that he ought to remove those ministers who did not possess its confidence. He thought it an indecent observation of the right hon. gentleman to say, "that if they threw out his bill, they should not get rid of him so easily." As to the bill, he thought it was bad in itself, as being both oppressive and inefficient. He also opposed it for another reason, because he thought much better measures had been often recommended by his right honourable friend (Mr. Windham). He thought it ridiculous to fine the parishes, for not raising men, at a bounty that it was impossible to get them for. He doubted, very much, whether it was possible to carry into execution, a project contrary to the opinion of the country, and those who were to carry it into effect. The house then divided upon the question for engrossing the bill, which was carried by a majority of 42, the noes being 223. On the next day, upon the question for the third reading, Mr. T. Grenville, (who was not in the house on the preceding day) took this opportunity of vindicating himself, and those with whom he was most closely connected, from the inconsistent conduct that had been imputed to them by his right honourable relation, (Mr. Pitt). They never did take such a view of the situation of the country, as to suppose, that the accession of any one individual, whatever might be his abilities or talents, would be sufficient to work out the salvation of the country. He thought, in the present times, a broad and comprehensive administration ought to have been formed, and, however highly he respected the talents of his honourable relation, (Mr. Pitt) it was with pain and regret he saw him in the situation he now held. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he understood, that the noble lord (lord Temple) had, on a former occasion, declared for himself and his friends, that if he (Mr. Pitt) was put at the head of the administration, their fears for the public safety would vanish. The expression was, indeed, so flattering to him, and perhaps so unmerited, that, certainly, they must be at liberty to recal it, or explain it as they thought proper; but, as he had understood them in that manner, it was a great surprise to him, to find them commence a systematic opposition, from the moment his majesty had placed him at the head of the administration. Earl Temple, utterly denied having ever used such an expression, and said, that however highly he might value the talents of the right honourable gentleman, yet, certainly, he could never conceive, that the accession of one individual could make a good administration, of that which he had so long opposed. Mr. Windham observed, there wore were different modes of construction adopted in different cases; penal statutes were always construed strictly, but he did not think, that the same rule of construction applied to compliments and effusions of friendship. In considering a military measure, it was necessary to have our whole. military system in one view. He was, therefore, surprised, that no mention should have been made of the volunteers upon the present occasion. It was evident, that although many of the volunteers had enrolled themselves as such, purely from patriotic motives, yet, many others had entered on account of the exemptions. This measure would set those men entirely free, and the volunteer force would be sensibly diminished, The exemption which the volunteers had hitherto as a privilege, was now extended to every body. This most material change had been made in the plan without giving any notice. When he was asked, what plan he would propose in the place of it, he must observe, that every thing that was valuable in the plan, was taken from those ideas which he and his friends had so often suggested; but those ideas had been spoiled by the honourable gentleman, in his manner of using them. He must always contend, that there was nothing more injurious to the military spirit of the country, than keeping up a great home army, which was to have all the distinction of real soldiers, without sharing any of the dangers of the profession. As to the comparison which had been made between this measure and the army of reserve, the real difference was, that the latter professed to be only a temporary expedient, whereas the measure now proposed, was announced as permanent. The sense of the house having been taken on the preceding night, there was no division upon this question, and the bill was read a third time, and at length passed. H 3 CHAP. CHAP. VII. Parliamentary Proceedings continued and concluded-Debates in the House of Lords on "the Additional Force Bill"—carried by a considerable Majority.-Corn Trade Bill-Charge on the Lord Advocate of Scotland— Proceedings on the Petitions against Judge Fox-Stamp Duty Bill-India Budget-Aylesbury Election Bill-Speaker's Address to the Throne-His Majesty's Speech-Close of the Session. N the 25th of June earl Cam- ent. The object was professed to force bill" forward, in the house of lords: he stated, that it had been found that the army of reserve bill had failed in its operation, and interfered considerably with the regular army. The object of the present bill, therefore, was to provide such a force as should not interfere with, but, on the contrary, promote the recruiting for the regulars. The duke of Clarence, conceived, that some very strong reasons ought to be assigned, for the introduction of a bill of so novel and extraordinary a nature; and, that the mere ipse-dixit of a chancellor of the exchequer was not sufficient. After commenting on several of the clauses of the bill, he declared his general opinion, that it would be found nugatory and vexatious: he therefore should vote against it. Lord Spencer also opposed the bill there were some parts, however, to which he entirely agreed. He approved of the reducing the militia to its original establishment; he also approved of the removal of the ballot; and the high bounties; but he disapproved of the complicated machinery of the bill, which, he thought, must render it ineffici to vinced, the effect of it would be only to raise money by the fines upon the parishes. The tax that would be so imposed, would fall most unequally upon the proprietors of lands and houses, instead of being raised in the regular way, from the general revenues of the country. The duke of Montrose defended the bill, which he said was likely to raise a considerable number of men, and to forward considerably that object which was so much desired, namely, the increase of the regular army. If the objection that noble lords had, were to the ministers who proposed the bill, he would much rather see them come forward directly, and move for an address to his majesty, to remove them. The earl of Caernarvon insisted, that the bill could not succeed in raising men, as there were none to be got, at the small bounties it offered: he thought it must turn out merely an oppressive parochial tax. Many rich men, who were now obliged to find substitutes for the militia, would be entirely exempt from any share of the expence of the present levy. He considered the bill as unconstitutional and oppres |