ing, that if we were to abandon the trade, there was no other country that had the capital, or the means, of taking it up.

Lord Castlereagh, thought it was in vain to argue it as a question of humanity, but rather as one of practicability. Unless we could find out a mode, in which other powers would engage to co-operate with us, he thought the measure would do infinitely more harm than good in every point of view in which it could be taken.

Mr. Fox, thought the abolition was certainly practicable, if parliament chose to enact the measure. He did consider it as a question of humanity, justice, and morality; and thought it was most disgraceful to this country, that we should visit Africa for the purpose of adding oppression, and aggravating the miseries of slavery, to all those whom we should find already oppressed and enslaved.

Mr. Windham opposed the bill, from fearing, that other nations would take up the trade.

He was replied to by Mr. Whit bread and Mr. Wilberforce.

Upon the division, the question of the second reading was carried by a majority of 58; the ayes being 100, and the noes 42.

On the next day, upon the question of the second reading "the additional force" bill, (Mr. Pitt's),

Colonel Calcraft was surprised, that the right honourable gentleman, who had talked so much about vigour and energy, should have produced a plan in which there appeared so little of either quality. By removing the ballot, he had taken away the only means there was of raising men with expedition and effect. The mode of officering was

extremely unjust, for, as it was proposed, that the senior officers inthe second battalion, should be promoted to the vacancies in the first, it would often happen, that when the first battalions had been bravely serving abroad, their officers would find their chance of promotion taken from them by others who had been living comfortably at home. He then suggested, that if the West India service was a separate establishment, the public force might be very rapidly increased.

Mr. Yorke declared, that, in his opposition to this measure, he should abstain from any thing like a factious opposition; he could not see how, at present, it was possible, without a ballot, to afford a regular supply of recruits to the army. In all the military countries of Europe, compulsory modes of recruiting were resorted to, and it appeared to him impossible to raise sufficient armies without having recourse to some degree of compuł. · sion. The principle of the ballot had been the foundation of the militia, which was always considered as a constitutional force; and, therefore, was that sort of compulsion which was recognised as legal and constitutional. We had now 500,000 men in arms; if they were not sufficient to defend the country, it was not worth defending: the grand object, at present, therefore, was to increase the regular disposable force. The former admini. stration had presented a plan for forming second battalions, and raising ten new battalions in Ireland and Scotland. Those plans, he supposed, were now to be abandoned, an it did not appear to him, that the present bill was likely to produce the object so much desired, of. speedily

speedily augmenting the regular army. He, therefore, opposed the second reading.

Mr. Sturgess Browne supported the bill, upon nearly the same grounds with the chancellor of the exchequer.

Mr. Bastard felt a considerable deal of constitutional jealousy, of a measure, which, like this, professed to be permanent. He preferred much, the constitutional defence of the militia, to this new force, which was to be put in its place. He liked a defensive force, commanded by the independent gentlemen of the country, better than a force commanded by officers, serving merely for pay. He thought he could see as much tardiness and inefficiency in the present ministers, as they had themselves imputed to their prede

cessors.

Mr. Bankes supported the bill, and particularly rejoiced, that the odious and oppressive principle of the ballot was to be done away.

Mr. Atkins Wright disapproved of making the parish officers recruiting serjeants, and of the circuitous way of raising one kind of force, in order to get another of a different description.

Mr. Ellison and colonel Mitford opposed the bill, and sir John Wrottesly supported it. After several other gentlemen had shortly delivered their opinions,

Mr. Windham replied, to the arguments of the different members who had upheld the measure. He denied that the principle of compulsion was excluded from the present bill, for the fines upon the parishes acted as a screw, to force them to proper exertions, and to punish them, if their exertions proved not to be successful. When he was called upon for his plan, he should

again repeat, that his plan was merely to get rid of the evils and obstacles that now stand in the way of recruiting for the regular army; and he was convinced that then we should never want soldiers. He en. tirely disapproved of the motion of this limited force. He thought, that to make a military nation, all military decorations, honours, and advantages, should be given exclusively to those who were to meet the dangers of war; and not to those who were to stay at home, and not see the face of an enemy. He disapproved, also, of those second battalions being formed, merely for the purpose of recruiting the first, or of the electioneering sort of discipline that must be used in those battalions, that are raised for such a purpose. He had heard much of the connexion between church and state, but this plan established a new connexion between church and army, in making church wardens turn crimps, and making recruiting the subject of discussion at the parish vestry. The best way of getting a regular army was, to remove com. petition, to allow the soldiers more comforts, and to provide liberally for those whom wounds, or length of service, obliged to retire.Such was the practical plan that he should propose, instead of the wild and visionary theories which had been adopted by others.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, at some length, to the different objections which had been made to this bill. He exprest some surprise at the unqualified opposi tion given to it by Mr. Windham, when the two great objec tions which he had before made, namely, the ballot, and the high bounties were both, by it, completely done away. The reason of

his laying aside the ballot was, that he found that of 40,000 men, raised in that manner, there were only 2000 of those who were drawn that served personally. He there fore thought it right to remove the pressure on individuals, and to distribute it equally upon the counties and parishes. He never had said, that the quantum of the force raised was not sufficient, he had only found fault with its distribution. He thought the only fair way to argue the merits of the plan was, to consider whether it were not preferable to the ordinary mode of recruiting. He should therefore insist, in the first place, that local exertion would powerfully assist the regular recruiting; 2ndly, experience had shewn, that men were much readier to enter into a limited service, and afterwards were easily induced to extend it; and lastly, that volunteers coming from such a force, must be allowed to be much more efficient, than those who were taken directly from the loom or the plough. He defended the mode of officering, as that, which would be the most likely to procure good officers for the new levies, which was, in his opinion, a point of the very first importance.

Mr. Fox, thought the balance of argument entirely against the bill: he was surprised that it was now objected to those who opposed it, that they had produced no specific plan. It was but a few weeks since he moved for a committee of the whole house, to consider the meaures necessary for the defence of the country, and then the right honourable gentlemen (Mr. Pitt), approved of his motion, because it contained no specific plan, but left the measure to the united wisdom

of the house. If the danger were imminent, it appeared a matter of more urgency to arm the maritime counties, and improve the discipline of the volunteers. He found fault with the measure as not being likely to operate soon, and as being full of objections, if it were considered a permanent measure. He never could approve of the principle of raising men for one kind of service, and thereby inveigling them for another. He thought, that this conduct was a downright fraud, and a disgrace to the country which practised it. As to the officering, he doubted whether good officers could be had for such a force; but he very much feared, that, in the end, it would be officered by men, who had no other connexion with the country than their commissions. He entirely concurred in the opinion of Mr. Windham, that the best plan would be, to remove all obstacles, and give the general recruiting fair play. The house then divided.

For the second reading 221
Against it
181

Majority for the bill 40

The additional force bill" was again debated on the 11th of June, on the house going into a committee.

Mr. Jekyll opposed the committee. Instead of a vigorous and efficient plan, as he had reason to expect from the great talents of the right honourable gentleman, he saw one in which there was no novelty, except in making the parish officers recruiting serjeants. He opposed it principally on the ground, that it would diminish materially the vo lunteer force, as those who had entered on account of the exemp

tions would now retire; and the real patriotic volunteers would find themselves charged as well as others for this new force.

Mr. Peter Moore knew of no measure in the history of the country similar to this, except one, which was proposed by James the second to his parliament, for increasing the standing army. Our ancestors, however, disclaimed the justice of his majesty's proposition, and refused to grant it. He objected therefore, on constitutional grounds, to a large permanent standing army, officered by the crown.

Mr. M'Naghten saw no similarity between the time of James the second and the present. Whatever danger there might formerly be supposed to be in standing armies, they were now necessary to defend the Constitution and the country from an upstart usurper. The annual mutiny bill was sufficient to put a stop to such a force when it was no longer necessary.

Colonel Crawford opposed the bill. He thought it was neither one which could speedily increase our defensive or our offensive force. Although it profest to be a permanent measure, it would be so slow in its operation, as to be hardly applicable to the present war. He did not believe, that it would add a single man to the army, who could not be got as easily without such a bill. He rejoiced, that the ballot was done away, but he must recollect that it was from the suggestions of his right honourable friend (Mr. Windham), that Mr. Pitt had been induced to abandon it. The present plan was vexatious and oppressive, although not to such a degree as the ballot had been. He was convinced, that if

government would listen to the other suggestions of Mr. Windham, respecting the removal of competition, the enlisting for a term of years, and improving the condition of the soldiers, there would be no occasion for any compulsion to be used in this country, to procure regular troops. He considered this plan as neither one thing nor the other. There was compulsion enough in it to be vexatious to the parishes, but not enough to get men: nor was there any additional inducement held forth to encourage voluntary services. As to training and arraying the nation, so that it should be able to act immediately, in case of inva sion; in such a case, he thought compulsion might be fairly used: but as to the permanent means of recruiting our regular army, he thought no degree of compulsion should be hazarded, at least until it had been fairly tried what could be done by encouraging voluntary enlisting. As to the principle that men could be easier got to enlist from limited service into the regu lars, he would not admit it. The 13,000 men who enlisted immediately from the army of reserve would probably have gone into the regular army without it, and only entered the army of reserve in order to get the bounties that were then given. He thought the taking away the power of chusing the regiment into which they would enlist, would prevent the enlisting much more, than the attaching this new force to particular battalions would tend to promote it. He concluded by pressing strongly the exempting the regular troops from West India service, and contended for the adoption of the suggestions that had been frequently made on that side of the house, for

the

the purpose of bettering the condition of the soldier.

After several other members had shortly given their opinions, the house divided upon the propriety of going into a committee on the bill. The ayes were 219, the noes 169-majority 50.

On the next day Mr. Wilberforce moved that the house should go into a committee upon the slave trade.

Mr. Fuller objected strongly to the principle of the bill, and denied that the slaves were treated badly in the West Indies. He quoted Mr. Park's book, to prove that slavery had been very long estab. lished in Africa, and that the African princes had a right to transport out of their country persons convicted of crimes.

The bill was supported by Mr. Francis, Mr. Barham, and Mr. Somers Coxe; and opposed by Mr. Brooke, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Dent, and Mr. Deverell.

Mr. Wilberforce replied to the various objections that had been made to the bill. He cited a number of authorities, to prove that the situation of the blacks in Africa was as he had before stated; and he had the testimony of Mr. King, the late American ambassador, (one of the worthiest men living,) to prove that the negroes increased in America, so as to hold out a fair prospect of doubling their population in twenty-five years. As it had been proved that, in other hot countries, the slaves increased their population, there was no good reason to be assigned why it was only in our islands they should diminish.

After some observations from sir William Young, against the bill, and of Mr. William Smith, in favour VOL. XLIV.

of it, the house adopted the motion for going into a committee, by a majority of 79 to 20.

On the 14th of June, the addi tional force bill was recommitted, and some amendments agreed to in the committee.

On the following day, upon the motion for the amendments being read a second time,

Mr. Peter Moore objected to the principle of the bill, which went to keep up a large permanent standing army. He thought that if ministers would treat the Irish people as they ought to do, they might bring over to this country, a great part of the army which is now kept as sentinels upon that country.

Mr. Denis Browne denied that the army in Ireland were kept as sentinels upon the people, and asserted that the disposition of the Irish had completely changed, and that they were now warmly attached to the government.

On a division, there were 69 against reading the amendments a second time, and 63 for it, being a majority of 6 against the govern ment.

The proceedings of this night bore a very singular appearance. The ministers' friends, not having calculated on opposition, did not come down to the house early, and, for the beginning of the evening, the opposition, as we have seen, wore the majority. On Mr. Grey, immediately after the division, moving, that the amendments should be read a second time on that day three months, the supporters of the ministers made long and elaborate speeches, to which the members of the opposition made no reply, but by calling loudly for the question. As the evident object of the friends H

of