several, gross absurdities in the evidence, which was laid before the privy council, in its support.

General Tarleton vehemently opposed the motion, as one that would go to deprive the country of a valu. able part of its commerce and re

sources.

Mr. Manning moved, that the other orders of the day be read, as he conceived it contrary to justice, to admit a motion which attacked -private property, without declaring, at the same time, that a full indem nity should be given for every pecuniary loss that might be sustained by its adoption.

Mr. Addington considered the question of abolition to be rather a question of practicability, than a question of expediency. Ile considered, that it would be, at present, entirely impracticable to carry into execution a bill founded on such resolutions as Mr. Wilberforce had described. Ile should, therefore, oppose the motion.

The chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) declared, that, if the question was for the immediate abolition, it should have his support, as he thought, the first moment for suppressing that inhuman traffic was the best. He should, however, give his support to any measure that went even to a gradual abolition. As to what was said by the last speaker, about the practicability of even a gradual abolition, as that honourable gentlemen (Mr. Addington) had assigned no reason for his opinion, it was not necessary for him to repeat the reasons that had been adduced, to shew that it was practicable.

Mr. Fox was surprised, that, so many years after it had been resolved, that it should be abolished, we were now arguing, whether it

were practicable to abolish it or not! He considered, that the honour and character of the nation, as well as the consistency of parliament, were pledged on the carrying into effect the resolution of 1792. The acquisition of Trinidad, made the present time the most proper for the abolition; as, if it were allowed, that the trade was in itself an evil, which ought not to be permitted to exist, it was more peculiarly necessary to interfere, when that evil was likely to be extended. After the solemn resolution, for the abolition of the slave trade, it would appear, to all Europe, that we only loved talking about morality, humanity, and justice, if we hesitated to carry it into effect.

After some farther conversation, the house divided, when Mr. Wilberforce's motion, for a committee, was carried by a majority of 75, the noes being 49.

On the 5th of June, the chancellor of the exchequer (Mr. Pitt.) brought forward his plan for the military defence of the country.Ile began, by stating, that he felt considerable pleasure, in finding that the house was almost unanimously agreed, that it was, at present, a matter of the first necessity, to consider the means of providing not only for our internal security, but for the increasing our regular army, and gaining such a disposable force as would enable us to interfere with effect, in case any favourable opportunities should occur on the continent of Europe. The first object of his plan was, to remove the difficulties which now stand in the way of recruiting for the regular army, by destroying the competi tion which exists between those who recruit for limited serve, and those

who

who recruit for general service. The enormous bounties which grew out of this competition, were among the greatest obstacles to the increase of the regular army. Besides the removing those obstacles, he intended to propose, that an additional force should be created, for the permanent increase of our regular army: he also wished, that this additional force should be of such a nature and quality, as would render the troops of the line more disposable. There was, at present, a deficiency of 9,000 in the number appointed to be raised under the army of reserve bill. It should be his first object to complete that number. His next would be, to reduce the militia to its ancient establishment of 40,000 for England, and 8,000 for Scotland. The remainder, and what is now deficient of the number voted, he would wish to be transferred to the additional force. This, he conceived, would lay a foundation for a permanent establishment, which would yield 12,000 recruits annually to the regular ar.my. He did not dispute the policy of the army of reserve, as a temporary measure, but he wished to preserve the advantages of it, as a per.manent means of recruiting the army. The disadvantages of the army of reserve act, at present, were, that its penalties induced such high bounties to be given for substitutes, as interfered materially with the increase of the regular army. He, therefore, wished to make the ballot less burdensome on individuals; and both to encourage and oblige the parishes to find the number of men that was assigned as their proportion. If the parishes failed, he wished to impose on them a certain and moderate fine, which was to go

into the general recruiting fund.This force he would wish to be raised for five years, and not to be liable to be called out for foreign service, but to serve both as an auxiliary force, to assist the regular army, and to form a stock from which the army could be recruited; he wished it to be joined to the regular army, in the way of second battalions. He considered, that the intercourse arising from such a connexion must induce a considerable number of them to volunteer for the regular army. After dwelling at great length upon the general principle of the plan he proposed, and on its different details, he concluded, by moving for leave to bring in a bill, for the creation of "an additional force," for the defence of the realm.

Mr. Windham agreed in the ge. neral principles laid down by the right honourable member; but he thought the plan, although in many respects superior, still bore too strong a resemblance to the system hitherto pursued. He then proceeded to state, shortly, his fundamental objections to some of the parts of this plan. He considered, that there was, in the present measure, an injudicious mixture of voluntary and compulsory service, which was the principal objection he had to the army of reserve. The danger was not now so imminent as to require compulsory levies; and we had sufficient leisure to consider what measures should perma. nently be adopted. Under arbitrary governments, such as Turkey, Russia, Prussia, or France, compulsary levies are the simplest and most efficacious mode of recruiting; but in a free country, like this, it is not practicable, without

so many restrictions, and modifications, that half the power of the machine is lost in overcoming the friction. In this country, therefore, the service should be voluntary. Although it would undoubtedly happen, that many who entered in the force for home service, might, by acquiring military habits, be persuaded to enter for general service, yet it was likely, that there would be as many who would have otherwise entered for general service, finding another force for home service only, and for a short term of years, would prefer entering into that. Although he approved of the removal of the ballot, so far as it was oppressive to individuals; yet, he thought the proposed mode of recruiting, by parish officers, for this additional force, might operate full as strongly against the recruiting for the general service, by a competition of bounties. He knew no legal mode that the parish officers had, to find the men; and he though that they must have recourse to crimping and high bounties. He did not believe, that the attaching battalions of men, so raised, to regular battations, would be any encouragement to them to enlist, as it confined them to the one battalion to which they were attached. He did not think the way to have a military nation was to make every man a soldier, but rather to have the regular armies on the best possible footing. He was perfectly certain, that if discouragements were removed, our army would always find plenty of recruits. We had a vast population; and as for trade, he was convinced it was favourable to recruiting. He thought, upon the whole, the great error of the plan was, in taking cir

cuitous modes to effect what might be done directly.

Mr. Johnstone said, the plan was nothing more than the carrying into effect the ideas of the late administration, which had been so often accused of inefficiency.

Mr. Addington objected to the plan, as being of a compulsory nature, and unfit for a country that had a free constitution. He could not approve of the reduction of the militia, unless something more effectual could be found in its place.The plan appeared to him, like that of the "quota" bill, in the last war, which put the nation to great expence, without producing any beneficial object.

Lord Castlereagh supported the plan, which he could by no means consider as a measure of severity.

Mr. Fox would not oppose the bringing in the bill, although he could not bring himself to approve of the plan proposed. He disapproved entirely of the principle of creating a limited force, for the purpose of recruiting a general one: neither did he approve of those artifices, by which those who had enlisted for limited service, were to be enticed to serve in the regular army. If, however, the house should consider the bill as likely to be productive of any good, the sooner it was passed the better.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Mr. Pitt,) in his reply, declared, that his opinion was decidedly opposite to that of the honourable gentleman, who objected to the principle of a limited force being made the foundation of a general one. As to the suggestion, that had often been thrown out, of altering the term of service, there was

ΑΘ

doctrine should be broached in that house (which had so often heard complaints of the extravagancies, and atrocities, which marked the different stages of the French revolution) that, whatever was done from the impulse of ardent minds, was to be excused!

66

The motion was then agreed to. On the next day, sir James Stewart presented a petition from a Mr. Hart, against Mr. justice Fox, one of the Irish judges. The petitioner was a gentleman of considerable estates, in the counties of Donegall, and Londonderry, and had frequently served as one of the grand jurors for the said counties. On his giving testimony in support of the character of a person indicted, justice Fox had charged the jury, but who, gentlemen, will give a character of this Mr. Hart, degraded and disgraced as he was, by this transaction, which must entail eternal infamy and shame upon his posterity?" The petitioner further stated, that Mr. justice Fox, had had him arrested, on an information drawn up under his own special direction; that he ordered him into the dock, and having him placed in the situation where condemned felons are brought up for judgment, he asked him, "What he had to say?" That, afterwards, he procured a bill of indictment to be sent up against the petitioner, which the grand jury threw out; that the petitioner conceived, that the rights of the subjects of this realm were grossly and wantonly violated in his person, by Mr. justice Fox; and that he had no redress but by application to parliament.

The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.

On the 7th of June, Mr. Wilber force's bill for the abolition of th slave trade, was read a second time after a long discussion.

Lord Temple opposed the bill i toto. He thought the emancipatio of the negroes. in the West Indies must, upon the same principles follow, immediately, the abolition o the trade; and, in such case, h conceived, that the passing this bil would be sealing the death warran of every white person in thost islands.

He

The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) denied, that an immediate emancipation of the negroes was the necessary consequence of abolishing the trade. It was, however, one of the first consequences to be expected, that the situation of those, who are actually slaves, would be much ameliorated; and that, in time, they might be brought to that degree of improvement, as to be fit for a condition of much less rigour, than they are now exposed to. then, most ably, pointed out the advantages which would result to the planters themselves, from improving the condition of their slaves. Besides, it was evident, that the danger of the West Indies was increased by the prodigious increase of the number of slaves, and the planters themselves are coming, year after year, to parliament, for relief, from the consequences of their own conduct, in raising more sugar than they could find purchasers for all over the world. To continue, and extend the trade, would be to extend those evils and dangers. He then pointed at the danger to which our islands were exposed from the emissaries of the blacks in St. Domingo, and concluded by contend

ing,