tions which went to disturb an administration, of which he himself formed a part. When he was so liberal of his advice to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Windham, he should have considered what his advice was worth, before he was so lavish of it. As for himself, there was no sort of coalition between him and Mr. Pitt. Nothing had past between them which might not be published at Charing-cross. They both of them agreed in thinking the present ministers incompetent to discharge the duties of their situation, with honour either to themselves or to the country, they therefore agreed in wishing them turned out: but as to the question, of who should be their successors, that remained altogether the prerogative of the crown to determine. The house then divided on

Mr. Fox's motion.

For the motion 204
Against it 256

Majority 52

The next day, in the house of lords, the Irish militia offer" bill was past by a majority of 91 to 49, and the Irish militia augmentation" bill by 94 to 62.

On the 25th of April, Mr. secretary Yorke moved, that the speaker should leave the chair, in order, that the house should go into a committee, on the army of reserve suspension bill.

Mr. Pitt opposed the motion: he considered the suspending the operation of the army of reserve bill a most unwise measure, especially at a time when government proposed to make a considerable augmenta tion to the Irish militia. He thought the army of reserve, had already done considerable good in increasing

vinced, that much more good might be derived from it. It was the best nursery for recruiting the army, and it was perfectly well known, that many persons who could never be tempted to enter into the regular army at once, could be tempted to enter into a body for limited service, and, after a short time, they contracted military habits, and were willing to extend their services.-Mr. Pitt then stated, at very consi derable length, the outlines of a plan for diminishing the militia, and increasing the army of reserve, in such a manner as he thought must conduce much to the augmentation of our regular and disposeable force.

Mr. secretary Yorke said, that all the measures which ministers had taken, had for their objects, 1st, to secure the internal defence and security of the kingdom, and 2dly, to augment the disposable force, so as to be able to attack the enemy in their own possessions. The first object had been obtained, the second, was what now remained to be considered. As to the plan which was proposed by Mr. Pitt, it was only to be considered as among the permanent means of recruiting the army, whereas the object of the present bill, as connected with the other measures proposed by government, was to add immediately 13000 or 14000 men to our regular force.

Mr. Whitbread, thought the inconsistency of ministers, in coming forward now to suspend the operation of their own bill, was a proof of their incapacity. He approved of the plan suggested by Mr. Pitt, in preference even to the army of reserve act of the ministers, but he was decidedly of opinion, that that plan ought to be discussed prior to

the

the suspending the operation of the army of reserve.

The secretary at war (Mr. Bragge) considered the bill now proposed, as merely a temporary measure, arising from the present circumstances, and that it would be wrong to postpone it until a new plan, so full of details, should be discussed.

Mr. Fox conceiving, that the army of reserve bill had been completely abandoned by its authors, and that they had now no other measure to propose, thought it would be absolutely necessary to take Mr. Pitt's plan into consideration, before the suspension of the army of reserve bill was adopted. Ministers themselves confest that Mr. Pitt's plan was worthy of consideration. If so, they ought not to strike off the army of reserve which was the very foundation of it, without first having considered, that which they allowed to be worthy of consideration. He was astonished that ministers could expect any thing from the present bill; when it was found impossible to get men, for limited service, at a very high bounty, how could it be expected that they would find recruits for unlimited service at a much smaller premium?

Lord Castlereagh said, it was now fully proved, that the army of reserve act, which had, at the beginning, produced considerable advantages, had now, in a great measure, ceased to be operative, and therefore it became the duty of ministers to propose its suspension. He certainly so far agreed with the general principle of Mr. Pitt's plan, as to prefer a force, constituted like the army of reserve, to the militia; and that he would have no objection to

a diminution of the militia, and an increase of the army of reserve, if the thing were practicable. But whatever he might think of the plan in general, it was evident, that it could not be brought into operation in less than three or four months, and, in the mean time, consequences, much to be deprecated, might follow from not suspending this act.-He had no objection to the recruiting by parishes, but he always wished TO HAVE TWO STRINGS TO HIS BOW, in case one should fail.

Mr. Windham declared, that, he was extremely glad to find the opinion, he had so often delivered, of the propriety of reducing the militia, at length supported by the powerful abilities of a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt.) He now found, that many of his ideas, which were so violently censured when first proposed, were in a fair way of being adopted. In some instances, ministers seemed to wish to accommodate themselves to the opinions of all parties, and sometimes to take advice. But in this business of the army of reserve, they did not seem to know, how they should proceed, and would neither suffer it to live nor to die; but kept it like a ghost in terrorem, for the mere purpose of extorting money. If the army of reserve act had completely failed (as ministers had confest) it was by no means because the country was exhausted, and men could not be had. If that were the case, there would be no hope left for the recruiting the regular army. The real reason that it had failed, was, that the measure was so tyrannical, the stomach of the country loathed it; and no officer could be found to put it into execution. It was like those penal laws, which.

when

when too severe, fail in their effect, because no body can be found to put them into execution. He concluded, by condemning severely the whole system pursued by ministers; and expressing a wish that the plan proposed by Mr. Pitt should be taken into full consideration.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Addington) considered, that, Mr. Windham had been altogether inconsistent, in opposing the suspension of a bill, which he had always ridiculed as a most ineffectual one. The suspension was now proposed, merely for the purpose of augmenting the regular army. He should not consider at any length the very complicated plan proposed by Mr. Pitt; he objected, however, to the principles of it, as leading to a large permanent military establishment. He was not able to see any thing in that plan, which could induce him to postpone the present

This was the last victory, if it deserve the name, of Mr. Addington's administration, in the house of commons. Feeling that they could not combat, with any chance of success, such a great and increasing opposition, they wisely resolved on resignation. It was then understood, on all sides of the house, that such being the intention of ministers, on that account, no questions should be discussed, which were likely to produce any great difference of opinion. In the mean time the marquis of Stafford gave notice of a motion, similar to that which Mr. Fox had made in the house of commons; and it was the general belief, that, upon that question, ministers would be left in a minority, in the upper house of parliament, if they ventured to meet it fairly.

On the 30th of April, the order of the day having been read in the house of lords, for the motion of the marquis of Stafford,

Lord Hawkesbury rose, in considerable agitation, and entreated the noble marquis to postpone his motion. He was ready to pledge his personal character, both as a minister and a lord of parliament, that the reasons which induced him to make this application, were of such a nature, as if known to the noble marquis, would gain his ready ac quiescence: they were, however, of that delicate nature, that he could

not,

not, consistently with his duty, then mention them.

The marquis of Stafford agreed, under these circumstances, to postpone his motion.

Lord Grenville thought, that a more distinct communication should be made, of the reasons which his lordship had hinted at. If they respected the administration of the country, he thought the house' of lords ought to have been made acquainted with them. Nevertheless, he should feel ready to acquiesce in the delay proposed, but, under the present circumstances, he thought the house should adjourn to the day to be appointed for the motion of the noble marquis.

Lord Hawkesbury again repeated, that the reasons to which he alluded, were not light or trivial, but of great importance. He had said all that he could, consistent with his duty, to prevail upon the marquis to postpone his motion. If he had been unsuccessful, he was sorry for it, and ready to meet the discussion. He thought it would be very wrong to stop the whole business of the nation, by an unnecessary adjourn ment.

The earl of Carlisle could not see any reason, which should induce the house to postpone the motion, except the certainty of ministers being about to resign their situations. This, indeed, would be an event which must give the fullest satisfaction to the house.

Lord Melville thought, that, at least, it would be proper, that no subject connected with the defence of the country, should be brought before the house, in the interval, before the motion of the noble marquis should come forward.

Lord Grenville said, he should be content, if this motion was to retain the priority it now had, over any other question connected with the defence of the country.

Lord Hawkesbury replied, that he should enter into no such engagement. If noble lords wished now to bring on the discussion, he was ready to meet it: but he must say, that he believed it was the first time that ever a request, made in the serious manner, and accompanied by the solemn declaration he had given, was ever treated in such a manner, in either house of parliament. It appeared to be a faction pressing forward a motion, which was not necessary to be hurried in that manner.

Lord Mulgrave and earl Spencer condemned, severely, the application of the term "FACTION" to such a number of most respectable noblemen. They, however, felt content to take the language of lord Hawkesbury as an implied pledge, that nothing likely to produce much disagreement of opinion should be brought on in the mean time.

The motion was then postponed. On the same day, in the house of commons, Mr. Addington, as chancellor of the exchequer, opened the budget for the year. He began by expatiating on the advantages which had already been found to result from the system of raising within the year, the greater part of the money wanted for its service, so as to prevent an increase of the national debt; and then entered into a very G

detailed

detailed statement, to shew, that the war taxes, which he had only calculated, last year, at nine millions, would probably produce, in future, no less than twelve millions and a half; and they had already exceeded the amount at which he had calculated them. He then stated, that the permanent taxes had been as productive as in former years.— The supplies necessary for the year, amounted, in the whole, to £. 36,283,348, to be defrayed by Great Britain alone. Among the ways and means, he proposed to add a million to the war taxes, by again increasing the duty on wine, from .12 to £.20 per ton, and by laying a duty of 12 on all imports, except tea, wine, and cotton wool. The produce of the consolidated fund, he should reckon at five millions, instead of six and a half, at which he had before calculated it, in addition to which he should propose a loan of ten millions, and a Tote of credit of two millions and a half. The interest of the loan, and the one per cent. for its extinction, would amount, with the charges of management, to £.736,190.

Το

meet this, he should propose an alteration in the stamp duties, which would give an addition of £. 800,000 annually. After dwelling for some time on the advantages of the system of finance which he had introduced, of raising within the year a great part of the war expences, he concluded by proposing his resolutions, which were agreed to in the committee.

Mr. Fox wished to know whether ministers would wish him to postpone the motion, of which he had given notice, for the same reasons for which an important motion in the house of lords was postponed.

Mr. Addington wished it should be postponed, and, in the mean time, his majesty's ministers did not intend to bring forward any measures likely to provoke considerable difference of opinion.

On the 3rd of May, in the house of lords, the marquis of Stafford asked lord Hawkesbury, whether the same reasons still subsisted for postponing his motion to a later day.

Lord Hawkesbury replied in the affirmative.

Lord Grenville was ready to agree to a postponement of the motion for a few days; but, unless some information was given to the house before that time, he could not agree that the motion should be any longer delayed.

On the same day, upon the motion of lord Hobart, the thanks of the house was unanimously voted to the marquis Wellesley, and the civil and military officers in India, as well as to the army, for the splendid victories recently obtained, in that quarter of the world. Besides the marquis Wellesley, lord Clive, governor of Fort St. George, Jonathan Duncan, esq. governor of Bombay, and generals Lake, St. John, and Wellesley, were mentioned in

the vote of thanks.

On the same day, lord Castlereagh proposed a similar vote in the house of commons. He observed, that the motion was carefully drawn up, so as only to relate to the military transactions in India, without taking any notice of the political administration of the noble marquis, or the causes of the war. As to the victories which had been obtained, nothing could be more splendid, or more important. The army, and the territory of Sciudiah were completely