that country to get recruits for the militia, than for any other description of force. Mr. Windham said, that he never went so far as to wish government to disband the militia, but, at the same time, he must object to its further augmentation. Govern ment had already got together 400.000 volunteers; 70,000 militia; and 36,000 of army of reserve; and yet, notwithstanding this immense number, raised only for limited service, they seemed to wish still farther to increase the force that was not disposable. He did not approve of such a circuitous way of recruiting the army. After several other members had briefly given their opinions on the merits of the question, the house divided, and the bill was carried by a majority of barely 21; there being 128 for, and 107 against it. Upon this question, Mr. Pitt, and most of his personal friends, voted with the opposition, and the very small majority in favour of ministers, inclined the public to suppose that Mr. Addington's administration was drawing fast to a close. On the next day, in the house of lords, there was a majority against ministers, upon a motion of the earl of Carlisle's, for papers respecting the date of the instructions sent out to admiral Rainier, commanding in chief in the East Indies. It was generally supposed that he did not receive his orders until 17 days after the war was known in India by private letters; and until admiral Linois had escaped. Lords Hawkesbury and Hobart insisted that he had received timely notice of the rupture, and opposed the motion, on the ground that public rumour was not a sufficient parlia mentary reason to alledge for the production of papers. The house divided upon lord Carlisle's motion, which was carried by a majority of 31 to 30. A discussion then took place on the second reading of the Irish militia offer bill, when the contents were 77, and the non-contents 49, leaving a majority in fa vour of ministers of 28. On the 23rd of April, Mr. Fox, pursuant to notice, made his promised motion with respect to the defence of the country. He began by observing, that the extraordinary zeal with which all ranks were animated in support of the war, was no sign that they approved either the principles upon which it was undertaken, or the manner in which it was conducted. He, himself, had felt as much zeal as any person for the defence of the country, but, he never did approve the mode of commencing the war, or of carrying it on. Ever since hostilities were declared, they had been followed up by an incessant cry of immediate invasion, and therefore it was no wonder, that the people should shew a very ardent zeal in the defence of their country, their liberties, and their lives. But, if it were attempted to be inferred from this, that they approved the conduct of ministers, the inference would be, that whatever administration brought the country into the greatest danger, it would always excite the strongest marks of this kind of zeal, which they would, doubtless, construe into approbation of their measures. Ministers sometimes charged those with whom he acted, as feeling a panic of invasion. As he understood the word panic, it applied to those who would fly from the danger, not those who only only considered about the best way of repelling it. That considerable danger did exist, appeared not only from the papers on the table, but from the preparations ministers had already made. He might say, with the man in "the Critic," that boasted of its superior liberty, that the soldier was a slave for life, and that, at a time of life, when a boy is not permitted to dispose of his person in marriage, or his property by contract, he could be allowed to dispose of his personal liberty for ever, by entering into the -Oh pardon me, if the conjecture's army! He considered an armed rash, "But I surmise-the state Some danger apprehends" He neither approved of the opinion of those who wished to be invaded, nor of those, who considered the plan of invasion as given up, because it was not as yet carried into execution. If the enemy had well calculated the difficulties of the enterprize, it was of no consequence whether it were carried into execution the third, fourth, or fifth year of the war, but the longer it was delayed, the more formidable it would appear. It, therefore, was necessary to adopt a system of defence, which would be adequate to repel invasion, at whatever period it might take place. His ideas of the best military defence of the country depended principally on the regular army, and on what might be obtained from an armed peasantry. Upon the actual state of the regular army, the house had Bo sufficient documents. It was absurd to say, that it had not been injured by the competition of higher bounties given to persons for recruiting for a limited service. It was almost inconceiveable with what obstinacy government persevered in the plan of raising soldiers for life, when other powers that were purely military, recruited only for a term of years. It was strange, that it should be only in that country peasantry as the best permanent means of security to the country, and he feared that even the enormous expence attending the volunteer system, would, in a short time, diminish its numbers. He thought the preamble of the general defence act, asserted a prerogative in the crown, which it would be monstrous to suppose it really did possess; and yet it was in consequence of this asserted prerogative, that many had been terrified into becoming volunteers. When he proposed an armed peasantry, it was not in substitution for the volunteer system, but as an additional force. He concluded by moving, "that it should be referred to a committee of the whole house, to revise the acts past for the defence of the country, and to consider what further measures were necessary." The Chancellor of the Excheqner resisted the motion. He said, that ministers had been sanctioned in declaring war by the almost unanimous vote of that house. There was no precedent for the house of commons resolving itself into a military committee, as had been proposed by the honourable gentleman, and it would be a step extremely dangerous. He denied, that ministers had ever pledged themselves for the duration of the peace of Amiens. It was because they thought the ambition of France might make it necessary to renew the war, that they had kept up so large a peace establishment. He then entered at considerable length into the defence of ministers, from the general charge of incapacity or neglect. They had raised, for the defence of the country, the most considerable force that ever was collected in so short a term: and he felt confident, that in opposing the motion, he should be supported by a large majority of the house. Mr. Pitt, by no means conceived the motion as calculated to unite all those, who differed in minute points from the government, in its general defence but, on the contrary as one, that would completely unite those, who thought the defence which ministers had prepared, as inadequate and who thought it necessary to take a serious and radical review of the situation of the country; and who supposed, that after twelve months had been allowed to ministers to prepare every thing which occurred to them, and to profit by the suggestions of others; that they had still brought forward nothing, that could induce any reasonable man to believe, that by their measures, or under their administration, the country would even have a fair chance of obtaining that weight in the scale of nations, which it was entitled to hold. He thought, that, if ministers were permitted to go on longer in their own course, there was no hope of safety remaining for the country. It appeared to him, that ministers had fairly confest, that they had no hope left of being able to suggest any measure for the increase of the regular army, and yet it was allowed, on all hands, that this was the measure, which of all others would be of the most importance. The honourable mover, had not proposed an armed peasantry, as a thing to be substituted for the volunteer force; but, as a force to be added to them: and where it was considered that ministers had, for six months past, spoke of an invasion, as a thing that might happen, within the next twenty-four hours, and when it was also considered, that the enemy had already overcome, that preliminary difficulty, which we had supposed insurmountable, by collecting in one port a sufficient number of vessels, to carry over their army, it was certainly time to consider, most seriously, what preparation this country had made for its defence. He thought the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Addington) had even forgotten the usages of the house, when he represented it as an extraordinary motion, that it should be referred to a committee of the whole house, to consider a subject in which the religion, the laws, the finances, the commerce, and every question, that was dear and valuable to the country, was so much concerned. Ministers could hardly claim the merit of originating any one of the measures which had hitherto been taken for the defence of the country. They had rather retarded and enfeebled the volunteer system, than contributed any thing to its force and efficiency. When ministers gave such a pompous de tail of the force of the country, they should have recollected that it proceeded from the resources and spirit of the nation, and not from their energy or wisdom: and he, and other members of the house, who had done as much as they could to raise that energy and spirit, spirit, had full as good a right as well as of this country, which as the ministers to hear the statement with exultation. Ministers had no right to boast much of what others had suggested, or of what public zeal had effected. Enough had not been done for the defence of the country, unless such preparations had been made as would entirely defeat the invader, and in such a manner as would for ever deter him from renewing the attempt. He thought ministers were much to blame, in having prepared so small a peace establishment, and in having made no preparations for the renewal of a war, when, as they have since published in a manifesto, they had every reason to suppose the renewal of war unavoidable. They should have availed themselves of the period of peace to ballot for the militia, and to make such other preparations as would have enabled them to recommence the war with effect. Mr. Pitt concluded by pressing very strongly the different measures he had often proposed for the improvement of the volunteers, and the increase of the regular army. He thought ministers had been much to blame in not adopting his suggestions, and that he had, therefore, abundant right to complain of their conduct. He should, upon these grounds, support the motion for a committee. Mr. secretary Yorke, opposed the motion, as one which was by no means called for by the present circumstances. No misfortunes had happened to the country, nor had any advantage been gained by the enemy, in consequence of the inadequacy of our preparations. As to the volunteers, he would insist that their progress in discipline had been the astonishment of all Europe, had never before known the strength of which if was possessed. As to an armed peasantry, which had been suggested, although it might be useful in some other countries, he thought it by no means applicable to this country, when the majority of the peasants did not know the butt end of a gun from the muzzle! He concluded by entering into a general defence of the system adopted by ministers. The Attorney General, said, that, it was evident that if the motion should be carried upon the principles advanced by Mr. Pitt, ministers must resign their situations; although no direct charge had been made against them.Gentlemen had been brought to the house this night from the most distant parts of the country, with singular industry, and management. There was at present a most extraordinary coalition against ministers. An honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) had approved of the peace of Amiens, as the best which, under the then existing circumstances, the country had a right to expect.Another honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) perpetually abused that peace. How these two gentlemen would reconcile their opposite opinions at a council board, was beyond his comprehension. He thought it would be most rash and imprudent to address his majesty for the removal of the present ministers, without considering who were likely to be their successors. One (Mr. Fox) would probably propose immediately a peace with France, through the mediation of Russia: but, could it be agreed to by his right honourable ally? (Mr. Windham). Was it possible that that Mr. Fox, who had so often and so seriously arraigned Mr. Pitt's government, as unconstitutional and tyrannical, should now cordially acquiesce with that gentleman, in forming a new administration ? How could they meet at the same council table, without practising a degree of dissimulation which would be degrading to each of them? He conjured Mr. Windham, by the memory of his departed friend (Mr. Burke), and by the memory of his departed self, to pause a moment before he would sign and seal his own inconsistency, by joining the advocates of French principles. He considered the adoption of the motion would immediately introduce a worse ministry, than that which now existed. Mr. Windham, gave the last speaker credit for singing the funeral dirge of the administration, in melodious strains; In another part of his speech he appeared not to consider the cause of ministers, as absolutely hopeless. It appeared to him that nothing could be fairer, than to move for an investigation, before any direct charge was made against ministers. As the right honourable and learned gentleman had been so much shocked at persons uniting in sentiment, who had differed on other topics, he thought he would do well to look at a gentleman, who sat near him (Mr. Tierney), who had been the friend and companion of the admirers of French princi ples, who had been the champion of reform, and of all those measures which were so obnoxious to the right honourable and learned gentleman. Mr. Tierney denied, that he had been guilty of inconsistency. As to the question of parliamentary reform, it was yet to be seen whether he had or had not changed his sentiments. He had opposed the late administration, and one very principal reason of this opposition was, that the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) made a part of it. He believed the country was full as well defended, as if that right honourable gentleman were still secretary at war, and he really believed there was no circumstance that would give the country so much alarm, as his re-appointment. He believed, that the feelings of the people were generally with the present minis ters. Mr. Fox, in his reply, observed, that he never heard any motion opposed with so little ability, or an opposition in which personalities and ribaldry were so much substituted for arguments. Whenever those who opposed him felt them. selves worsted in the argument, they immediately recurred to his supposed attachment to French princi ples, or to the coalition administration. The learned gentleman (the attorney general) had declaimed fụriously against coalition, and union of parties; but, for his part, when the duke of Portland, lord Fitzwilliam, and many other valuable friends of his, had joined the late administration, however sensibly he was affected by the loss, he never imputed it to any principle, but an honourable difference of opinion.The learned gentleman, however, only |