and was utterly inconsistent with the British constitution, as it now stands. He did not think it worth disputing how the prerogatives of the crown might be understood in the time of Henry the fourth; but he thought they were now understood very differently: and certainly, since the period of the restoration, no such power was ever claimed or exercised by any sovereign of this country. The militia laws were supposed entirely to supercede the necessity of recurring to such a prerogative, even if it did exist. There was, however, no precedent in modern times in favour of such a prerogative. In the beginning of the civil wars, the crown lawyers contended for it, but, even then, the first law authorities determined that it did not exist. The Lord Chancellor observed that the present discussion was not regularly upon the volunteer system that had been already adopted, but upon a bill that profest to regulate and amend it. He felt persuaded that neither the talents of the noble lord, nor all the united talents of those connected with him in the late administration, could have produced any thing more perfect than the volunteer system. Every body would allow that a large regular force was extremely desirable, but every one must allow also, that that could not, by any possibility, have been raised so expeditiously as the volunteer force. As to the question of prerogative, he not only contended that the crown had been always possessed of it, but that, if it never had been, it was necessary that it should now. An invasion might take place when parliament was not sitting, and, in such case, the country might be lost unless such a prerogative was exercised. Lord Grenville, in explanation, said that he had never denied the prerogative of the crown, in extreme cases, to call upon all classes of the people: what he denied was, that the crown had a right to take individuals, and send them into regiments of the line or militia. Earl Spencer could not approve of the volunteer system, although he highly respected the volunteer corps, and the individuals that composed that body of men. He thought administration had taken a wrong course with the volunteers, if, as they now said, they only intended them as an auxiliary force. Lord Hobart defended the conduct of administration generally, and thought they had used exertions at least equal to any of their predecessors. There was now, in the united kingdom, a force of 621,000 men in arms, which was more than we have had at any former period.— The regulars were also really as numerous as at any period in the last war. The Duke of Montrose did not object to the volunteer system, orto the principle of the bill; he disapproved, however, very much of some of the clauses. He had a high opinion of the efficiency of the volunteers, and he had been informed, by officers of great experience, that the first quality of a good soldier was the disposition to fight. In this quality, he was sure that it would be allowed, that the volunteers were not deficient. Lord' Westmoreland would not allow that the volunteers had hurt the regular army, or the militia: although it might have diminished the 1 num number of balloted men, it increased the numberof substitutes, by the military spirit that it diffused so gene rally. Lord Auckland had by no means such a gloomy idea of our prospects in this war as some noble lords appeared to entertain. He hoped the war would end in abridging the power of France upon the contineut. As to the defence of the country, he thought abundant exertions had been already made, and, both upon the grounds of economy, and for other reasons, he did not wish to see the system extended beyond its pre sent limits. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed the first day after the Easter re cess. On the 28th of March, there was a discussion in both houses on his majesty's message, informing his parliament of the offers of several regiments of Irish militia to serve in this country*. Lord Hawkesbury, in the house of lords, moved the address of thanks to his majesty, for his gracious communication. He did not wish, at present, that the house should pledge itself upon this subject. The time for discussion would come more regularly hereafter. He considered this patriotic offer of the Irish militia, as likely to produce the most important advantages. In the first place, it would increase that unity of sentiment and feeling, which ought to prevail between the different parts of the united kingdom. It would also increase the strength of every part of the empire, by making its means more disposeable, and by consolidating its forces. The duke of Montrose approved highly of the spirit and loyalty from which the offer originated, although he generally disapproved of encouraging this sort of voluntary offers, as it introduced the spirit of delibe ration among armed bodies of men. The marquis of Sligo rejoiced in the prospect that was now held out, of reciprocal service between the militia of Great Britain and Ireland. The earl of Limerick considered this offer of service as of great importance. He thought it could have only been obtained by a voluntary offer, as it would be a positive breach of faith, to compel those who had enlisted for one service to undertake another. Lord Grenville agreed in what had fallen from the duke of Montrose. It ought not to have been left to the patriotism of particular regiments, to offer a more extended service. When it was recollected that the Irish militia was raised by bounty, and not by ballot, it must be allowed that, at their formation, it would have been easy to extend their services to this country by law. Ministers were advised to do so, but rejected that wholesome advice. The question on the address was then put, and carried without opposition. In the house of commons, on the same day, the address was moved by Mr. secretary Yorke, who observ ed, that he did not apprehend any opposition to an address of thanks to his majesty, for his communication, or to an expression of the approbation and satisfaction which the house felt at the spirited and patriotic offer of the Irish militia. He thought this a proper opportunity. * Vide "State Papers." to to give a detailed statement of the military state of the country. The total of the regular force, on the 1st of this month (including the militia and artillery) amounted to 267,013 men; on the first of October, 1801, the effective strength of the army amounted to 279,000, which was about twelve thousand more than it did at present, although the war had only lasted ten months. The force of the country in April, 1803, immediately previous to the rupture with France, was 124,343 men. After stating, at some length, the exertions that ministers had made for the defence of the country, he went on to consider the state of our offensive and disposeable force. He admitted that great pains ought now to be taken, in recruiting for the regular army, and he so far agreed with the arguments of honourable gentlemen on the other side, that all competition with the recruiting for the regular army should be removed. The militia was now nearly filled up, and as the army of reserve had nearly accomplished all that was expected from it, he thought it might now be necessary to suspend its operation. It must, however, be recollected, that above ten thousand men had already volunteered from the army of reserve into the regular force. For the purpose of encouraging the recruiting service, he wished to suspend for a time the army of reserve act, and at present, while he wished to accept of the services of the ten thousand Irish militia, he wished to increase that body to the same number that they were at in the last war, namely, twenty-eight thousand men. Mr. Pitt said, that as to the num- bers of men raised in the present war, they were abundantly sufficient to meet any reasonable man's expectations; but the degree of efficiency that was given to the numbers so raised, was a subject which might be discussed on a future day. He was satisfied with the magnitude of our force in a collective view, but he thought it necessary to pursue a better system, for the increase of our disposeable force. He considered, however, that it would be necessary to have some thing like the army of reserve operating in every county. It had been found that many persons had been induced to enter into the army of reserve, because the service was limited, and yet, after they had been in it for some time, and had contracted military habits, they were easily persuaded to extend their services, and enter into the regular army.He therefore thought that not only as a temporary expedient, but as a measure of permanent policy, it would still be necessary, in some degree, to keep up the principle of the army of reserve. He concluded by again throwing out the ideas he had formerly stated, of uniting, as much as possible, the battalions of the army of reserve to the regulars, so as to encourage enlisting from limited to general service. Mr. Windham was perfectly disposed to vote the address of thanks to his majesty, and to express his approbation of the conduct of the Irish militia; but still he had great objections to the adoption of the plan proposed. In the first place, he did not like encouraging those voluntary offers of extending the service beyond the original terms, because it would operate as a breach of faith, and as a compulsory meaF sure sure to a great number of individuals. Besides the breach of faith, he did not like the idea of asking favours from military bodies of men; he thought it was subversive of discipline: he also thought that Ireland was in full as great danger as Great Britain, and ought not to be stript of such a large portion of her natural means of defence. He certainly agreed with a great deal of what had fallen from the right honourable secretary, as it was only a promise of adopting many of those measures which he had been recommending for these twelve months past, for the improvement of the recruiting for the regular army. He wished, however, that the house might not be tied down to adopt the plan proposed, of accepting this offer of the Irish militia, as it appeared to him a measure worthy of the most serious consideration. He then concluded by moving, as an amendment, that parliament should take the offer into its most serious consideration. Lord Castlereagh considered, that the offer of the Irish militia proceeded from a wish to discharge the debt of gratitude which that country owed to the English militia, for extending their services to Ireland at a very critical period. The augmentation of the Irish militia was easy, as recruits could be got for four guineas a man, whereas the price of substitutes in this country was thirty or forty pounds. Dr. Lawrence was surprised at the idea of withdrawing ten thousand disciplined troops from Ireland, which he always conceived to be the most vulnerable part of the empire. Colonel Hutchinson disapproved of withdrawing ten thousand dis. ciplined troops from Ireland, in it present situation; he thought tha the loss would not be at all suppli ed by an equal number of raw le vies. If, indeed, the plan were t exchange a certain number of th English militia against an equa number of Irish, he should rejoic at the exchange. The gentlemen of the Irish militia would probably be struck with the habits of indus try and the comforts that they would see in this country, among the lowe orders, and might possibly wish upon their return, to introduce si milar habits and similar comfort among their tenantry while the oflicers of the English militia, that should go over to Ireland, would probably witness so much spirit and zeal there, as would convince them that that country ought not to have been so much neglected. The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the amendment. He said, it never was intended to take the ten thousand men from Ireland at one time, but he conceived the adopting the measure would set at liberty a consderable number of our disposable troops. At the same time it was by no means the intention of government to diminish the strength of Ireland. Sir John Newport was proud of the offer which had been made by the Irish militia, and felt convinced, that the great majority of the people of that country would be found ready, zealously to concur in the defence of the empire. Lord de Blaquiere supported the original address, and approved of the plan which had been proposed. He could not help recollecting the signal service which the English militia had rendered, in going over to Ireland, during the rebellion. It 1 was was the opportune arrival of the regiments of the marquis of Buckingham, and the duke of Rutland, which saved that country. He believed that the Irish militia would fight better in this country than at home, as they would not be opposed to their near relations. The address was then carried, as it was originally proposed. On the following day, the sum of £.265,326 was voted to admiral lord Hood, his officers and crews, being the value of the ships destroyed and captured at Toulon. The house then adjourned till after Easter. CHAP. F 2 |