the country in another capacity; but he felt himself compelled, by his duty, to support the motion of Mr. Pitt.

Mr. Sheridan did not consider that hearsay evidence, from officers who were on shore, and unemployed, was evidence sufficient to rest a serious accusation against lord St. Vincent. He never knew any person for whom every body profest so much respect, and who was, at the same time, so much aspersed as that nobleman, The grounds, however, of the respect which was profest were notorious to all the world; whereas, the grounds upon which he was aspersed remained still in darkness. He should not vote for a scrap of paper to found an enquiry on, when he was convinced that there was no necessity for such enquiry. This was the first time he had ever opposed an enquiry; but he was convinced that there were no facts to warrant it, or to account for the great change of opinion in the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) since the time when he bestowed the warmest panegyric upon the noble lord. He saw no good purpose that it could answer, at present, to institute a comparison between lord St. Vincent and lord Spenser. As to the number of gunboats that the honourable mover stated to have been very suddenly equipped, during the last war, they were of such a quality, that naval men despised them, and thought them good for nothing, and the greater part of them were sold for almost nothing, when the war was over. Such gun-boats as those would be injurious to the service, by requiring men which could be much better employed. Men of war and frigates were better even for defence; for it was

well known, that from Pevensey to Dungeness, a man of war might anchor close to the shore. He thought it would be absurd, all at once, to give up that species of naval force which had been so long our pride and glory, and substitute another, which all naval men thought lightly of. It was said, that the right ho nourable gentleman gave, about six months ago, at a volunteer dinner, the following sentiment: "The vo lunteers of England, and may we soon have a meeting with the enemy on our own shores." This sentiment might be much assisted, in the execution, by substituting the honourable gentleman's favourite gunboats, for our ships of the line and frigates. Formerly the character of the noble lord was attacked only by disappointed and fraudulent contractors. Such enemies as those he despised; but, high as was the authority of the mover, he trusted that the character of the noble lord stood too high, in the estimation of the country, to be hurt by mere assertions or opinions, from whatever quarter they might proceed.

Mr. Fox, at the same time that he professed to feel as much respect as any man for the professional character of lord St. Vincent, considered, that the best way that he could shew that respect, was to vote for the present enquiry. He imagined, that the result of such a proceeding would be, to clear the character of lord St. Vincent from all kind of censure or suspicion. He was not surprised at the course which ministers had taken, in resisting the enquiry. They had wished to put the character of lord St. Vincent on a level with their own, and to set a precedent for resisting other enquiries. For lord St. Vincent he not E 3

only

personal friendship. He considered the battle that he had to fight against the corruptions and abuses of the naval departments, was full as arduous, if not as brilliant, as the celebrated battle from which he took his title. He considered, that it was the merit of the noble lord in this contest, against corruption, which had excited so much obloquy. As to the officers from whom an honourable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) obtained his information, he should have no objection to their testimony, if they delivered it at the bar of the house, as the house, in that case, would know how to appreciate it. He thought, that the right honourable mover had made out little or no case. It was not enough to state the number of ships of a certain description, built at such a period; it was also necessary to consider the circumstances which called for those exertions. It was also necessary to consider the naval administration generally, as an entire system, and not separately, in every part. It was often necessary to sacrifice an object of inferior consequence, for another of greater importance; and, he believed, that species of defence, on which the right honourable gentleman so much insisted, the flotilla, was precisely that description of force which could be the best spared. He considered the motives of ministers, in resisting the enquiry, to be merely from a wish, on some future day, to screen themselves by that precedent. He, therefore, led both by private friendship and public duty, would vote for the enquiry.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer noticed it, as a common practice of the honourable gentleman who spoke

ship with almost every person of distinguished character; but he took a mode of shewing that friendship, which was directly the reverse of what was practised by other people.

When the thanks of the house was once moved for lord Cornwallis, he opposed it, on the ground of personal friendship, and now, when an enquiry was moved, which implied suspicion of the conduct of lord St. Vincent, he sup ported it on the same ground! As for himself, out of personal friendship to the noble lord, and a proper regard for his character, he should oppose the enquiry, for which no ground had been stated. As to those gun-boats built in the last war, most of them were found to be utterly unserviceable, and could not go, without danger, from Plymouth to the Eddystone Light-house; and as to annoying the enemy with small craft, it was perfectly ascertained, that, from the shallowness of their coast, and their numerous batteries, it was impossible to prevent their flotilla from creeping along their own shores.

Mr. G. Ponsonby, after highly complimenting Mr. Fox, on the warmth and steadiness of his friends ships, observed, that a charge against him on that ground, could not come with less propriety from any quar ter than from the chancellor of the exchequer. If that right honourable gentleman would turn his head, and look behind him, he would see a gentleman (Mr. Pitt) who, perhaps, would not be able to compliment him on the steadiness of his friendships and attachments. It was allowed, that Ireland was one of the most vulnerable parts of the empire, and, for its defence, it was ne

cessary

cessary to have large ships, and there the right honourable gentleman's small craft would be of no use. It should be recollected too, that, during that administration which he (Mr. Pitt) praised so much, a French fleet, with a large army under Hoche, had lain seventeen days unmolested off the coast of Ireland, and nothing but the winds prevented them from making good their landing.

Mr. Sturgess Bourne, and sir W. Elford, supported the motion.

Mr. Tyrwhit Jones defended the conduct of the admiralty, and of the administration in general. He considered the motion of Mr. Pitt as inconsistent with his former speeches, and that he had now thrown away 66 the camphor bug,"* and welcomed opposition.

Captain Markham insisted, that Mr. Tierney was correct in his statement of the number of men, without twice counting the marines. He contended, that the ships built in the king's yards were every way better than those built in the merchant yards, and more wholesome for the sailors to live in. He thought it would have been very improper for the admiralty to have followed the example of Bonaparte, in building a number of vessels of green wood, which are always leaky and unwholesome.

Sir W. Curtis bore testimony to the protection which commerce received under the present naval administration.

Mr. Courtenay, Mr. Burroughs, and Mr. Fonblanque also supported the enquiry.

Mr. Pitt made a very long and able reply. He considered, that to refuse those papers for which he had

moved, would be the way to throw doubts and suspicions on the conduct of the first lord of the admiralty; and, to refuse them, on the ground of danger in granting them, would throw a doubt on the strength and security of the nation itself. It would be a most dangerous degree of confidence indeed, to repose in the admiralty, at such an important crisis, if it were to be said, that parliament, which had voted such a liberal expenditure on account of the navy, ought not to enquire how that department was administered, although the very existence of the country might depend upon the investigation. He did not in the least wish to excite alarm, or apprehension; but he wished to remove the deception of a false security, which was, of all things, the most dangerous. He considered, that while France had been making the most gigantic and unremitting efforts, our ministers had absolutely done nothing. In speaking of the attack from Mr. Sheridan, he excited much mirth, by comparing that gentleman to a wandering light; a meteor, that was sometimes seen at one side of the house, and some. times on the other; which had then concentrated his rays against him; but in whose blazing face he could look without fear or terror.

After a few words from Sir W. Pulteney, the question was put. For the motion Against it

Majority against the motion

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On the 19th of March, Mr. secretary Yorke, after a few preliminary observations, moved the order of the day, for taking into further E 4 consideration

consideration the report on the volunteer consolidation bill.

General Tarleton said, it had been long his opinion, that it was absolutely necessary for this country, to keep up a large military establishment. He thought the volunteers might do well to repel a sudden invasion; but that they could not be depended upon for the permanent defence of the country. He mentioned some strong instances of insubordination, which came to his knowledge.

The proviso, which prevented any volunteer from the power of resigning, who belonged to a corps "that had offered its services during the war," was omitted in the amended bill, on the motion of Mr. Cartwright.

After some conversation, in which several members took a share, the Speaker put the question on the second reading of the amendments.

Mr. Fox opposed the second reading, not that he wished to throw out the bill; he only wished that it should be re-committed. Without adverting to the volunteer system, it appeared to him that ministers had thought of no other; and, altho' parliament had been sitting for four months, the bill before the house was the only measure ministers had taken for the defence of the country and what was there to be seen in this bill? No steps had been taken to recruit the army, but every thing had been rested on the volunteers. In fact, the chief merit of this bill was, that it did nothing!He so far liked the volunteer system, that he approved of the courage, zeal, and spirit of those men who composed it; but he defied any body to say, that that courage and zeal would be at all assisted by the

present bill. He thought ministers had done every thing to check and damp the ardour of the volunteers, and nothing to assist it. As to the power of resignation, the chancellor of the exchequer, as usual, had no opinion; he consulted the attorney general, whose opinion was a wrong one,and that opinion ministers immediately circulated through the country, with uncommon diligence. After the court of king's bench had decided that the opinion was a wrong one, then, and not before, they said they did not mean to act upon it! When the insignificance of the present bill was considered, people would be apt to suppose, that the story of invasion was a mere invention of ministers, and, that if they really believed it, they would have taken some measures to recruit their regular army. Although he himself did not believe the danger so great as was represented, yet, when he compared the danger with the preparations for defence, it was enough to make him tremble. had, however, such confidence in the spirit of the country, that he firmly trusted, that, in spite of all the opposition it met, it would rise superior, not only to the efforts of the enemy, but even to the weakness, the incapacity, and imbecility of the present ministers.

He

to be derived from it, except from the clause encouraging the volunteers to go upon permanent duty; but, however, such as it was, he saw no necessity for its re-committal. Mr. Sheridan was against the recommittal, as he thought the bill had been very sufficiently discussed. Mr. Windham thought it would be impossible to form a correct opinion of the merits or demerits of the volunteer system, without examining all the other parts of the grand system of our national defence, in order to see how those parts were combined together.

The vast importance of the subject appeared to him to consist in this, that it was not relied upon as a temporary expedient, but as a permanent system: and that the argument, which had been hitherto so much pressed, would apply still stronger in future; namely, " that we had gone too far to recede."

Mr. T. Grenville was for recommitting the bill, as he considered, that there were so many, and such glaring defects in it, as could be only remedied in the committee.

After a few words from the chancellor of the exchequer, and some other gentlemen, the house divided.

that those who took so many months to prepare a bill like the present, would not be disposed to listen favourably to those who should tell them, that they had been proceeding all the time upon false principles. No man wished more ardently than himself, to see the military system of the country put on such a permanent footing as would give the nation that sort of tranquillity, which arises from conscious strength. Our regular army, which should be the grand foundation of our military strength, is prevented from receiving its natural increase, by the bounties and inducements, that are given to men not to enlist in it. In the militia 15 guineas, and in the army of reserve 30 guineas, are given to a man to enlist for 5 years, for limited service, and their families are provided for during his absence; whereas 8 or 10 guineas was all that was given for enlisting for life in the regular army, and there was no provision for the families of regular soldiers! He thought it also very unwise to extend the militia system so far beyond its institution. to the volunteer system, he highly disapproved of it, as it excluded the greater part of the flower and the strength of the country, and formed a sort of privileged body, which was odious to the poorer classes, even on account of the exemptions which they claimed. basis of a permanent defence of the country, should be as extensive as its population. We were always told, that the volunteer system was a very delicate machine, but the machine to be depended on in war, ought not to be of very delicate construction, but of rougher materials, that could endure a shock.

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