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for empowering his majesty to call out the volunteers upon permanent duty when it should appear necessary. The bill was then ordered to be taken into further consideration on the 6th of March.

On the 5th of March the Lord Chancellor informed the house of lords that he had had an interview with his majesty, who gave his royal consent to a private bill, respecting the duke of York's estate, so far as his majesty's interest was concerned. The long expected motion for investigating the causes of the late Irish insurrection, came on in the house of commons on the 7th of March, when sir John Wrottesly, who brought it forward, stated, that he considered it as a subject of the utmost importance, both as respecting the honour of the Irish government, and the security and happiness of that people. The interests of Ireland, he said, were formerly entrusted to its own legislation, but, since the union, it became the duty of every member of the imperial parliament to pay attention to them. He thought that beneficial consequences must result from the question which was then to be discussed; for if it appeared that the Irish government had been vigilant and active, and that they had not suffered themselves to be surprised, but were well informed of every thing that was likely to take place; in such case, those doubts would be removed, that now, in a great degree, lessen that confidence which it were to be wished that they possessed. If, on the other hand, these doubts and suspicions were well founded, it would be incumbent to address his majesty to dismiss those persons from the government of Ireland. After the

rebellion of 1798, the Irish government communicated all the information they were possessed of; he thought they should do the same on the present occasion. As far as he was informed of the transaction, it was as follows:-In the December preceding, Mr. Emmet returned from the continent and joined a conspiracy already formed. In the same month depots were established in Dublin, under the eyes of the Irish government. The preparations for collecting arins and ammunition went on, without interruption, till the 16th of July, when the depôt at Patrick-street exploded, and the premises being examined, by a police officer, were found to contain pikes and preparations for making gunpowder. After a fact so notorions, and after government had received express notice of the intended insurrection, it was incumbent upon them to shew that they had done every thing, that was their duty, to have prevented the insurrection. Every circumstance, however, seemed to shew that they suffered themselves to be completely surprised. The lord lieutenant was at his lodge in the park, guarded only by a serjeant and twelve men; almost every considerable officer of the government was out of town; and there appeared to be as much supineness and indifference about the event as if this savage insurrection had really been only a contemptible riot. He concluded by moving for a committee to be appointed for the purposes already stated.

Lord Castlereagh opposed the enquiry on two grounds. In the first place, he thought it unnecessary, as no imputation of blame attached either to the civil or military government of Ireland, notwithstand

ing the honourable baronet appeared to have taken it as a point conceded, that blame must attach either to the one or the other. He also opposed it, because it would be attended with the greatest public in convenience, to bring the first civil and military officers of Ireland, to this country to be examined, when no sufficient reason was adduced for the measure, and when their services were much wanting in Ireland. Lord Hardwicke had proposed to government here, the renewing of the habeas corpus suspension act, before the breaking out of the insurrection, which shewed he was not so uninformed as some gentlemen supposed, of the state of things in that country. In fact, it was perfectly known to government that the north of Ireland, and the counties of the interior, would take no part in the conspiracy; and that the garrison of Dublin was abun dantly strong to drive before them any number of rebels which could be collected in Dublin. The garrison of Dublin amounted to 4000 veterans, and as for the castle, besides a very strong guard, the 62nd regiment of foot was stationed in a barrack only one hundred yards distant from it. Under such circumstance, the idea of taking the castle was as extravagant a one as ever entered into the head of an enthusiastic person. Except for the atrocious murder of lord Kilwarden, the insurrection really did deserve the name of a most contemptible transaction, which had injured materially the cause and the hopes of rebellion in Ireland. His lordship then vindicated, at considerable length, the conduct of the Irish

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government, and conceived no r liamentary grounds had been sta to make the proposed enquiry cessary.

Mr. Canning would not allow, t the valuable time of parliament co be better employed than in enqu ing whether the people were well ill governed. If the act of uni had not taken place, the conduct the Irish government on this occ sion must certainly have been amp discussed in the parliament of th country; and it was but due to t people of Ireland, to shew the that their interests were not ne lected in the parliament of the unite kingdom. If, after the explosion Patrick-street, on the 16th of Jul government still thought there w no danger, they must have been e cessively blind; and if they appro hended danger, and yet made n preparations to avert it, they wer extremely culpable. The statemen of the noble lord had been in som respects contradicted by what ap peared on the trial of the conspira tors; and lord Redesdale (the Iris! chancellor) made it a charge agains 3-4ths of the people of Ireland, that they had furnished their quota to that army, which, according to lordCastlereagh, amounted only to 80 men. Ile then condemned severely the sentiments which had been delivered by the Irish lord chancellor, in the correspoudence (which had been published) between his lordship and the earl of Fingall*, and seemed to consider that a person entertaining such sentiments ought not to continue in such a high situation under the Irish government.

Mr. Archdale thought it by no means necessarily followed, that go

* Vide Appendix to Annual Register for 1803.

vernment

vernment must be deficient in information. and vigilance whenever an insurrection broke out: he witnessed much more serious riots in London, in the year 1780, and yet it was never thought necessary to institute a committee of enquiry into the conduct of the British government at that time. The murder of lord Kilwarden was an event that he deplored as much as any man, but the circumstances attending it were much exaggerated, when it was supposed that a drunken mob, which certainly did not exceed 400 men, could put to serious hazard a city which had a garrison of 4000 reguIars, besides the yeomanry. He still considered ail parties in Ireland as hostile to a French invasion, and deprecated the idea of considering the sentiments expressed by lord Redesdale, in the correspondence alluded to, as the disposition of the Irish government.

Mr. Dawson opposed the motion on two grounds. If its object were to throw censure or suspicion on the conduct of the Irish government, he disapproved of it, and he considered the silence of the Irish members upon the subject as a proof that they did not perceive the practical utility of such a discussion. If, on the other hand, this was brought forward as an opposition subject, merely with the view of attacking the ministers of this country, he thought it would be unfair and ungenerous to make Irish connexions and Irish interests serve as a stalking horse for the purposes of any party in this country. He thought the attempt at rebellion in Ireland was unnatural and premature, and that it was a sort of abortion which the

best doctor could not have prevented. He bore testimony to the amiable character and conciliating measures of lord Hardwicke in general, which had made the people of Ireland much more contented and happy than they were before. He considered the Irish government to be, upon the whole, a very good one.

Lord Temple thought the discus. sion must be, at all events, attended with one good effect, as it would shew the people of Ireland that some attention was paid to their interests. When he had the honour of bringing up the act of union to the other house of parliament, he felt a strong hope, that, when the period of peace should arrive, the wounds of former animosities would be healed, and the affections of the people of Ireland conciliated. Instead of which, Irish ministers were now studying polemical theology, and sowing fresh seeds of discontent. As for the ministers of this country, there was no knowing how to understand their declarations. They had no sooner asserted that the country was in profound peace, than they came forward, and spoke of the conduct of France as a continued system of aggression, insult, and hostility. They had no sooner announced the perfect tranquillity of Ireland, than they stated an actual insurrection in that country, which sometimes they described as "formidable,” and at other times as "a most contempti ble riot." He then censured the want of vigilance and preparation on the part of the Irish government, especially after the explosion of the powder-mill in the heart of the city of Dublin. '

General Tarleton said, that, hav

ing

* Much mirth arose in the house, upon the honourable member's use of this term.

ing been appointed on the Irish staff very shortly after the insurrection had taken place, he had opportunities of learning the particulars of what happened on the 23d of July, from a great variety of quarters. The universal impression was, that the Irish government was taken by surprise. He considered that general Fox ought not to have been deprived of such an important situation, when no charge could be brought against him for misconduct. Mr. secretary Yorke did not know that general Fox had been recalled. Differences had existed between him and the lord lieutenant, which made it necessary that one of them should retire, and general Fox accordingly resigned. His noble relation (lord Hardwicke) had accepted the government of Ireland on the principle of adopting a system of conciliation; he was, therefore, not over ready to give implicit credit to every story that was brought him of intended insurrection. It was not to be expected that government should have been accurately informed of the precise time when Emmett resolved to begin his insurrection; that was a secret, of which Mr. Emmet alone was the depository. Symptoms of insurrection had appeared in the county of Kildare, in consequence of which fresh reinforcements of troops were sent to that county. The garrison of Dublin, amounting to 4000 regulars, were certainly sufficient for the suppression of any insurrection which could have taken place in that city. The object of the government certainly was to take the precautions that were necessary for the public safety, but to avoid all unnecessary aların. After stating a variety of circumstances, to shew that the Irish government was

not surprised, he declared, that if it should be the sense of the house, he felt no personal objection to the fullest enquiry upon the subject.

Mr. Fox said he should vote for the enquiry. The Irish government had certainly endeavoured to impute blame to his honourable relation, (general Fox) in order to screen themselves. The coolness which was alledged to subsist between the lord lieutenant and general Fox did not take place until several days after the 23d of July, and until the Irish government were a second time surprised, by finding themselves much blamed for their negligence. They then attempted to shift the blame to his honourable relation, and it was signified to him, that the lord lientenant wished him to resign. This certainly could not be considered a voluntary resignation, and did imply a censure. Although the ministers had expressly disclaimed the intention of imputing blame to general Fox, yet the Irish government still took that course of justifying themselves, and the Dublin Journal," the newspaper of the castle, continued to insert scurrilous and defamatory paragraphs against him. Throughout all the letters, and extracts of letters, which had been published on this business, it was evident that the great leading principle of lord Hardwicke's policy was to avoid giving alarm, and that he totally disbelieved the intelligence which he had received. General Fox had been only six weeks in the country, had no secret service money, and had no means of knowing whether any information that was given was worthy of belief or not. It was clearly the business of the government to determine that, and their whole conduct shewed that they

did not believe it. If lord Hardwicke had believed an insurrection would have broke out on the 23d, he would not have gone to his country seat, neither would the lordmayor. It was clear that the government gave no credit to the information they had received, and it was equally clear that it was for them who were entrusted with a large secret service money, amounting to 60,000l. a-year, and not to general Fox, who was a stranger in the country, to determine what sort of information was deserving of credit. He thought there was sufficient prima facie evidence of neglect in the Irish government to justify parliament in instituting the enquiry.

Mr. Dallas conceived it beneath the dignity of parliament to institute an enquiry on such insufficient grounds. He saw no evidence of culpable want of information. There were no means of discovering a secret that had been entrusted to so few. The insurrection was cer tainly most contemptible in its means, though not so in its object. He thought that the Irish government had gained every previous information that was possible from their means, and that they had taken every necessary precaution, and were therefore in no degree blamable.

Dr. Lawrence supported the enquiry, and complained of necessary information being kept back from the house. As to the darkness of the night on which the insurrection took place, he must observe, that although the night was stated to be so dark, that it was hardly possible to have seen one's hand, yet a man has been hanged upon the sole evidence of a person who swore to have

distinctly seen him from a two pair of stairs window !

The Attorney General did not think such a prima facie case had been made out as would justify an enquiry. Although constant patroles of foot and horse might possibly prevent any insurrection breaking out in the streets of Dublin, yet they could not prevent rebellion from lurking in the heart of the country, He thought that, unless a grave and important case could be made out, the house could not with consistency or propriety agree to the motion.

Lord De Blaquiere supported the enquiry, but seemed to consider that the blame should fall principally on the English ministers, who refused to give the lord lieutenant those powers which were necessary, and for which he applied. That system of not alarming the people, led to doing what was worse than wrong; it led to doing nothing at all! It was a system that would have brought this country to ruin, if it had not been awakened by a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) to a proper sense of its dangers. It was the same system that crossed over to Ireland, like a pestilential disease, and brought it to the brink of ruin. He thought the government of Ireland could not have acted the part they did, unless under the immediate control of the English cabinet.

Mr. Windham took notice of the great length of time that gentlemen, on the other side took to make up their minds, upon the grounds to take in defending the Irish government. They seemed at a loss to know, whether it were better to be negligent, or to be ignorant; whether in that transaction they should be bulls or bears. Sometimes they

wished

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