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in Egypt, it would have been possible to have infused the same spirit into a great mass of our population, and that the regular army ought to have been considerably increased. He considered, that, instead of a definite number of privileged volunteers, the whole active population of the country ought to be in arms. He contended that the French levy, which assisted at the battle of Jemappe, were very different from our volunteers. He thought the strongest illustration of the comparative merits of the two systems, was to be seen in the Vendean war, where a mere armed peasantry often defeat

One

did resemble our volunteers.
great advantage of an armed pea-
santry over the volunteer system,
would be, that they would be three
or four times more numerous; their
dress would not be expensive, nor
their instruction difficult. In fact,
the present tactique, which was bor-
rowed from the Prussian school,
although very fit for the great plains
that armies could act on in Germa-
ny, was totally unfit to be practised
in this country, in real action. He
then took a general view of the
conduct of government since the war,
as far as it related to the means of
providing for the national defence,
in which he went over very nearly
the same grounds as had before
been urged by Mr. Windham.

Colonel Crawford opposed the speaker's leaving the chair. He was sure, that if parliament were to pass this bill, ministers would construe it into an acquiescence in their system of defence. When he considered the formidable attack with which this country was threatened, and the powerful means it possessed armies of national guards, which ed, (if these means had not been shackled and repressed by the imbecility of ministers), he thought the house ought to be occupied by more serious discussion, than about this insignificant bill. He did not absolutely fear that the country would be conquered, for, notwithstanding the faults of ministers, he trusted it would defend itself. It would, however, be disgraceful for the nation to be always merely on the defensive. The present bill was too contemptible to build any thing great upon. He considered, that since the very commencement of the war, the affairs of the country had been grossly mismanaged; and, if a day was to be appointed for a discussion of that subject, he would engage to prove it. He believed, that the naval defence of our country had been miserably neglected, and he never heard a weaker defence than had been set up by lord Castlereagh, in support of the admiralty. He thought that beginning the war with an army so excellent in spirit, who proudly recollected the recent glory of the British arms

General Maitland was sorry to perceive the view the honourable colonel had taken of the subject. When he spoke of the armies of France, and their leader, he had given them the most unqualified praise for their military talents, but when he spoke of the armies of his own country, he seemed to forget that we had regulars and militia,

who

who were equal to any French soldiers, and that our volunteers were animated with a spirit far superior to what could be expected from French or Italian conscripts. He thought it was impossible for the ingenuity of the French to contrive any thing which would be so effectual to animate the spirit of their troops, as the publication of many of the speeches that were made in that house. As to the charge so often urged of the exemptions hurting the recruiting service, he thought it a mere assertion, which was contradicted by the fact. The value of the exemption was no more than the price paid to insure against serv. ing, and the expence of becoming a volunteer was far more than this insurance price. As to the objection of their being clothed and disciplined like regulars, he should answer, that the system of a "smock-frock army" had been tried in America, which appeared to be peculiarly a dapted to it, but the Americans were soon tired of it, and found it was better to make use of regular troops.

Admiral Berkeley could not perceive how the administration of the admiralty could fairly be introduced in a discussion on the volunteer system. He felt a great degree of 'friendship for the noble lord (carl St. Vincent) at the head of that department, but he was convinced, that, during his sickness, he had trusted the business to very unskilful and inexperienced hands. The

naval preparations of defence were not adequate to the object. The enemy had now ships of the line equal if not superior in number to those that were blockading them, and they had at least 500 gun-boats, while we had not more than twenty to oppose them. If proper attention had been paid, we might by this time have had as many gun-boats as the enemy.*

Captain Markham (a lord of the admiralty (said he should not boast of his experience, but the experi ence of his colleague, sir Thomas Trowbridge, was well known. He should be glad to know where the. honourable admiral's(admiral Berkeley) foreign service had been? He thought the idea most ridiculous of attacking the enemy's flotilla with small craft. The whole coast from Boulogne to Cape Grisnez was protected by formidable batteries; and where our frigates could not go in safety; he could not see that small craft would have better luck.

Colonel Eyre defended, with great warmth, the system that government had adopted. He thought it owing to the vigor of his majesty's councils and the energy of the volunteers, that the enemy had not ventured to carry into execution his menaced invasion.

Mr. Fuller approved of the vo. lunteer system; but, as he thought it very well as it was, he should oppose this bill, which did not appear to him as likely to make it any better.

* On the morning after this debate, there appeared, in a print entirely devoted to administration, a most scandalous and defamatory libel upon admiral Berkeley, for which he prosecuted the editor and publishers, and gained a verdict for 1000l. damages, and costs of suit. For a more particular account of which, vide Chronicle, p. 396.

D 4

bad

Mr. Fox denied that any party had hesitated to give their best assistance to the government. The people had every where shewed their zeal for the defence of the country; and if their ardour had been damped, it was by ministers. Persons who were supposed to beJong to the same political party, as he did, were as zealous as others. He should only instance the case of the duke of Northumberland, who raised and clothed, at his own expence, a body of 1500 volunteers. There was every where a perfect union for the country and the government, but he believed there was nearly as general a union of opinion against his majesty's ministers. The government had, by their mismanagement, brought the country almost to the brink of destruction, and therefore they might, in some degree, claim the merit of bringing about this union; and this was the only way in which they had raised the public spirit. An opinion seemed to be suggested by an honourable general, (general Maitland,) that military matters ought not to be discussed in that house; but left entirely to the consideration of officers of experience. This was an opinion to which he should never subscribe. As to fit experience, however, no one could deny the experience of his honourable friend (colonel Crawford); and it could never be allowed, that not only the monopoly of military power, but of military knowledge also, should be allowed to remain exclusively with the persons of the highest rank in

the army. He thought the honour able colonel conveyed as much professional information as ever he had heard in any speech, and that it was exprest in the most perspicuous and

luminous manner. If the volu teer system was praised, as givin an army of 400,000 men, he shoul say that an armed peasantry woul furnish an army of two millions, tha would require less drilling and b more effective. As to the drillin the volunteers received, it put hin in mind of the line in Pope;

"A little learning is a dangerou thing."

Mr. Fox then argued with con siderable force on the superiority o an armed peasantry, over such a system as that of the volunteers.

Mr. Pitt agreed in the general principle laid down by Mr. Fox, that having provided against the immediate danger, every effort ought to be used to render our defensive system permanent. He hoped, however, that the danger of the country would cease with the present war, and that we would not lightly consent to make a peace with France without adequate security for the future. The system of France was now different from what it had ever been at former periods, and must be met by corresponding exertions on the part of this country: however painful those exertions might be, they were inseparable from those days in which it had pleased Providence to cast our existence.— Although he did not consider that the volunteer system had arrived at any thing like perfection, yet he approved the principles of it, and supposed that, by some regulations, which were not difficult to point out, it might be made a foundation of permanent security. The volunteer spirit had risen principally from the opinion of a pressing danger: if that opinion was removed, the effect might also cease. Although

the

the spontaneous zeal of the people had hitherto made legislative provisions almost unnecessary, and had counteracted the errors of the executive government, yet the time might come, when it would be necessary to adopt other measures for the defence of the country. The levèe en masse bill, which might be put in force the moment the number of volunteers was below that which had been fixed as an equivalent for it, would be a foundation for permanent defence. Mr. Pitt then went into a full comparison between the volunteer system, and that suggested on the other side, of an armed peasantry. He did not consider that the latter system would be adequate to stop such an army as it must be supposed would be employed on the invasion. As to As to the peasants in la Vendée, they were led by officers of great experience, and were stimulated to the gallant resistance they made by the atrocious cruelty of their oppressors, who were desolating the country, and massacring its inhabitants. If, however, the enemy should land in this country, they would doubtless push directly for the metropolis, and the peasants of Kent or Sussex would have nothing to stimulate them to such terrible sacrifices as those of la Vendée were obliged to make: neither did the example of America at all apply, for in that immense country the irregular force could always retreat in security, and had abundance of time to acquire military discipline, whereas, in this country, the most incalculable mischiefs might result from not being able to oppose the enemy efficaciously at their landing.

Mr. Windham felt proud that the opinions he had formerly delivered

about the volunteer system, had been confirmed by such a respecta-· ble military authority as that of his honourable friend (colonel Crawford). He well knew that it would not be safe suddenly to disband a considerable number of those who are now armed for the defence of the country. What he wished to have done was, that the volunteers should be put again upon the footing they formerly were, of a service free from any degree of compulsion, but, at the same time, devested of any other inducement but what sprang from zeal and patriotism; in such a case, the volunteer spirit would not operate to the injury of a force more valuable than itself. It was in consequence of the exemptions given to volunteers, that the army of reserve, which was intended to produce 50,000 men, 'stopped at 36,000, and could get no further. Without wishing again to repeat the comparison that had been so often made between the volunteers and an armed peasantry, he agreed with the honourable colonel in thinking it not only useless, but dangerous, to attempt to train, as regulars, men who can never assist an army but by acting as ir regulars.

After a few observations from Mr. Dent, the house went into a committee on the bill, and having made some progress, postponed the further consideration of it in committee until the 2nd of March.

On the 1st of March lord Hawksbury, in the house of lords, moved for the second reading of the Irish bank restriction bill, on a future day.

Lord King rose to demand information on a subject of the utmost importance: he alluded to the state

of

of his majesty's health. He wished to know whether that was true, which had been stated in another place, that there was "no necessary suspension of the royal functions?" The house had hitherto no information on the subject, except from the bulletins of the physicians; which were by no means satisfactory, especially when it was considered, that there was a fifth person of the medical profession who attended his majesty, and whose name was never subscribed to those bulletins.

Lord Hawksbury expressly stated that there did exist no necessary suspension of his majesty's royal functions or authorities.

Lord Grenville trusted that ministers were so far sensible of the great responsibility under which they acted, as not to bring forward any measure of importance, or give it the royal sanction, until it had that perfect consent on the part of his majesty, which alone could give it any value in the eyes of the nation. Upon a former occasion it had been considered, what was the point of convalescence which made the interference of the legislature unnecessary, and then it was decided, that it was when his majesty could come to the parliament, and personally discharge his royal functions. He hoped that no false delicacy had dictated the declaration that had been made, and that ministers recollected that they had a duty to the public as well as to their sovereign.

Lord King declared himself not satisfied, as the opinion of the fifth physician had not been laid before the public.

Lord Hawsbury insisted that he had made his statement on sufficient authority.

Lord Carlisle considered that the

silence of the fifth physician gav reason to doubt that the medica men were agreed on the subject.

Lord Fitzwilliam thought the an swer given by ministers was too ge neral, and wished for one more ex plicit.

The Lord Chancellor perfectly coincided with, and confirmed, the statement of lord Hawksbury, a to his majesty's convalescence.

Lord Caernarvon thought it im proper to think so much of personal delicacy, at a period of national danger like the present. He thought that ministers should not presume to exercise any part of the royal functions; he, therefore, wished to know from them, whether they had the usual access to his majesty, or any actual knowledge of the state of his health? He had often heard the term " responsibility" used, but he thought it was of very little consequence, compared to the national security.

After a short conversation, in which ministers asserted that no further communication was necessary, the house adjourned.

On the 2nd of March Mr. secretary Yorke stated to the committee of the whole house of commons upon the vlounteer consolidation act, the outlines of his plan, with respect to his granting exemptions to those volunteers only who should have attended a certain number of days on parade. He disapproved Mr. Pitt's plan of attaching to them a number of regular officers on permanent pay, as he considered that such a measure would be far too expensive. He also doubted the possibility of requiring an attendance of so many days, as that right honourable gentleman had suggested.

Mr. Pitt suggested that an express clause should be inserted in the bill,

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