health was not expected, and that it was not probable that he would be soon able to resume his functions. An invasion of the country appeared not improbable, and, in such an event, its situation would be deplorable, if the executive power were suspended, and there should be nobody to exercise the regal functions. When the royal power ceased to act, there was an end of that constitutional control over the legisla. ture, which was intended to watch over it, and which could dissolve a parliament at the shortest notice. If the country had to contend against the greatest dangers, at a time that the functions of Royalty were suspended, it would be but a poor consolation to tell it, that ministers acted on their own respon. sibility, and, that if the country were ruined in their hands, they might be punished for their errors or their crimes. The Chancellor of the Exchequer denied, that there was any wish on the part of ministers to conceal from the house, any information which they could, consistently with their duty, bring forward. He was aware that ministers subjected themselves to great responsibility; but yet he firmly believed, that the opinion and the feelings of the great majority of the house, would be against a particular communication, under the present circumstances. On the au thority of the medical gentlemen who signed the bulletin, on comparing the symptoms of his majesty's present indisposition, with those of his two former ones, he had reason to think the present disorder would be but of short duration. In the event of an invasion, his majesty's sign manual was not necessary for calling out the volunteers, and placVOL. XLVI. ing them under martial law. He could assure the house, however, that if any extraordinary occasion occurred for the exercise of the royal functions, no obstruction now existed. He thought, therefore, it would be very improper to adjourn, or interrupt the regular business of the legislature at this moment. Mr. Pitt disapproved of the motion for adjournment. He did not think that a mere apprehension that the personal exercise of the royal authority had been suspended, would be sufficient to justify parliament in deferring all their legislative functions. He felt the very arduous responsibility which ministers were under, as to the time in which they might think proper to make a communication on the subject. He hoped, however, that ministers would not push those sentiments of delicacy and reverence, which they must feel for his majesty, so far as to endanger, that which was always the dearest consideration to him, the safety of the people, whose welfare was committed to his charge. For his part, he did not believe that ministers would push, to a dangerous and criminal excess, that responsibility under which they acted. As to the ordinary business of parliament, he saw no reason why it should be delayed; and, therefore, wished that they might enter into the discussion of the business, which was fixed for that night. Mr. Windham thought that ministers called upon the house for a greater degree of confidence than any ministers were entitled to, when they insisted that it was their province to judge when parliament ought to interfere. The chancellor of the exchequer had gone so far as D to to contradict the official reports of the physicians, and to tell the house what it was they meant to say; and even to assert, that his majesty was fully adequate to the functions of royalty. He hoped, that the physicians might have been mistaken: but still, their report was the only authority on which the house could rely, as to his majesty's state of health. He had no personal objection to the discussion that was intended for to-night, but still, it appeared to him strange, that such a discussion should be now pushed forward by ministers, after all public business had been suspended for a fortnight, on account of his majesty's state of health. The chancellor of the exchequer had spoken of the indecency" of those discussions. He trusted, that, not only in constitutional, but in personal attachment and respect for his sovereign, he was not to be outdone by any of those who now called themselves his confidential servants," and it appeared to him indecent for ministers to insinuate, that any measure, for the benefit of the state, and the security of the monarchy, could be injurious to the royal feelings. He, therefore, thought the honourable baronet was perfectly right in asking for information upon this most important point. The Chancellor of the Exchequer repeated, that he could assert, from the authority of the physicians, "that there was NO NECESSARY SUSPENSION of such royal functions, as it might be necessary for his majesty to discharge at the present moment." Mr. Canning said, the honour. able baronet deserved the thanks of the house, and of the country, for provoking this discussion. The ef fect of the motion had been to ob tain such information as would no otherwise have been given. As tha had been obtained from the decla rations of the chancellor of the exchequer, he thought it would be the better way to proceed in the discussion that was fixed for the present night. Mr. Grey thought, there was an ambiguity in the expressions of the chancellor of the exchequer, which he would wish to have removed. It appeared to him, as if the right honourable gentleman had meant that his majesty was competent to discharge some of the functions of royalty, but incompetent as to others. The Chancellor of the Exchequer again stated, that there was no suspension of the royal authority for any act which might be necessary to be done. Sir R. Lawley then rose to withdraw his motion. His principal object in it was, that he thought ministers ought to be bound, in the exercise of their discretion on this subject, by other limits, than what they chose to impose upon themselves. Upon the speaker's putting the question for withdrawing the motion, So Mr. T. Grenville declared, it appeared to him that fuller information was absolutely necessary. far from being satisfied by that, which was called explanation, he thought the subject was more clouded by it. It appeared to him, that ministers still took upon themselves to judge, when the royal authority was necessary, and when it was not. He thought, that constitutionally, parliament was entitled to information whenever there was a suspen sion of the royal authority; and, that this information should come from a report of the privy council, or at leet, that the medical gentlemen should be examined at the bar of the house. The information ought to come from the best authority that could be had, and not from the "confidential servants" of his majesty. The motion for the adjournment was then negatived, and, upon the question being put for the second reading of the volunteer consolidation bill, Mr. T. Grenville approved of the volunteers in one sense, and he disapproved of them in another.He approved of that general display of British spirit, which, if arrayed and supported by a proportionate regular army, would be impregnable. On the other hand, when he heard, from the secretary of state, that there could be no great increase of regular troops, and that the volunteers must be made as like regulars as possible. he disapproved of that system, which would go to exhaust that spirit, which ought to be husbanded, at least as much as our finances. As to the exemptions, he was sure, that, in the part of the country he lived in, the volunteers would have come forward very readily without any exemptions; and he understood the same spirit was very general in the country. He thought ministers had shewn great incapacity in the contradictory measures they had pursued with respect to the volunteers, and in not providing a sufficiency of arms, when they had abundant notice of the hostile designs of the enemy. Mr. secretary Yorke said, that, at the time the volunteer system was adopted, it had become evident, that either a voluntary, or a compulsory system must be resorted to for the defence of the country, and the former was adopted with the most general concurrence. He considered, that the volunteer system assisted the recruiting service, by giving military habits to persons who otherwise would not have thought of enlisting. He then stated the numbers who had enlisted from volunteer corps. A grand objection. to the volunteers recommending officers was, that, in case the corps should be called out upon duty, an immense deal of time would be lost in canvassing and balloting. He then entered into a comparison of the quantity of arms in the tower at different periods, in order to prove, that there never was a time when government were so active as at that time, that some gentlemen supposed ministers to be remiss. He conclud ed by panegerysing the spirit and efficiency of the volunteer force. Mr. Pitt took notice of the calamitous destinies of the present times, when a gigantic power threatened to disturb the world, and desolate a great portion of Europe. It was the fate of this country to make resistance to that power, and he trusted it would be its glory to resist it effectually. Whatever might be the original imperfections of the volunteer system, it could not now be dispensed with. The danger was pressing, and did not admit of time to change it; and, therefore, the only question was about its improvement. The idea of disbanding 400,000 men could hardly be entertained; and, therefore, it was only necessary to consider, how they might be rendered as effective as possible. He thought ministers should have been more attentive to D 2 promote promote the regulation of the different volunteer corps. Although he thought far less had been done, than ought to have been done, in bringing the volunteers to a high state of discipline, yet he felt no fears respecting the result of an invasion. He thought it, however, necessary, not only that the country should repel invasion, but that they should repel it in such a manner as would make a lasting impression on Europe, and set a bright example to posterity. Our triumph should be signal and decisive, but it should be gained with as few sacrifices, with as little waste of British blood, as possible. He then proceeded to state those measures which he thought necessary to make them as efficient as possible, which were, principally, as to the opportunities of receiving regular instruction, the securing regular attendance at drill, and steadiness when at drill. He recommended encouraging the volunteers to go on permanent duty; pointed out the means which appeared to him the most effectual for the permanent supply of the regular army; recommended that fortifications should be more attended to; and declared that he considered our naval defence as very defective. Mr. Windham thought the bill inadequate to the object it professed, and that it would end in smoke. He thought, that parliament were called on to provide not only against the danger of the present moment, but against those dangers which the country would be exposed to in fuIt was probable, that the attempt of the enemy would not be made immediately, but at some future time. He certainly did not wish for such a precipitate step, as ture. immediately to disband the volum teer force, but he wished, for the permanent defence of the country, that the resources and strength of its population should be arranged in a manner -more efficacious than under the present system. His great objection to the system, as it now stood, was, that the numerous exemptions from service in the militia, and army of reserve, narrowed the field of recruiting, and occasioned the enormous bounties which are now paid for substitutes. The consequences of it, therefore, certainly did prevent the recruiting for the army. He then advanced some reasons to justify his preference of an armed peasantry, and concluded by strongly urging the necessity of looking beyond the present moment, and providing a force which the country could rely on for its permanent security. Lord Castlereagh observed, that the armed peasantry of Suabia had certainly given the French a good deal of annoyance, but that the French levèe en masse, which bore a greater resemblance to our volunteer force, was much more efficacious. Some of the generals who commanded the French soldiers of the levee en masse, gave it as their opinion, that our volunteers are equal to them. He then, in answer to Mr. Pitt, gave a very flattering state of the naval defence of the country. Mr. Whitbread thought it extremely injudicious to attempt to introduce amongst the volunteers, strict discipline in minute things. Their days of drilling should be regulated by their own convenience. if the country were actually invaded, every other avocation would be at an end, and the only business would be, to repel the enemy. But, in the mean time, the people of this country, even amidst their preparations, must not neglect their necessary business. Mr. Whitbread concluded by accusing ministers of incapacity, and an evident want of system, in all their measures for the defence of the country. Mr. Fox rose to advert to some things which had been said in the course of debate. Mr. Pitt had found fault with the naval defence of the country, and, as he was extremely partial to the first lord of the admiralty, he must say, he wished he had had a better defender than lord Castlereagh. That noble lord spoke of the state of our navy in 1755, and at periods that had nothing to do with the question of what exertions were necessary at the present moment. He could not but take notice of the inconsistency of the ministers, when they circulated, with great profusion, the opinion of the attorney general, that volunteers could not resign, and now, when they say that it was always their intention to give them the power of resignation; and yet, although they now said so, a secretary of state, in the other house, had observed, that the opinion of the attorney general would be a sufficient guide for the magistrates. He thought no severe attendance or drills should be required of the volunteers, for fear of disgusting them entirely. He disapproved of the language of Mr. sccretary Yorke, with respect to those volunteers who did not immediately conform to the wishes of ministers, and he hoped the volunteers would never let themselves be bullied out of their determination to defend the country. He concluded by expressing an opinion, that the time must shortly come, when it would be absolutely necessary to take an entire review of the conduct of ministers, with respect to the system they had adopted for the defence of the country. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was surprised, that those gentlemen who found such fault with ministers, for not clearing up this point of the resignation of volunteers, did not themselves take notice of it on former opportunities. Mr. Grey disapproved of the whole conduct of ministers, with respect to the national defence. Captain Markham, (one of the lords of the admiralty) vindicated those entrusted with the administration of the naval department, against the charges brought by Mr. Pitt. The bill was then read a second time, and On the 29th, Mr. secretary Yorke, in moving for the house resolving itself into a committee, wished that every discussion on the principle should be postponed, until the report was brought up. Mr. Francis did not rise to oppose the speaker leaving the chair, but considered that such an insignificant bill as this, might well wait until the great principle of our security, and the great cause of our danger, should be discussed. The war, in its progress, had fallen miserably short of its promise in the commencement. We went to war for the purpose of preserving a barren rock in the Mediterranean, and scarcely was the war three months old, when ministers circulated a plan for fortifying the city of London. Ever since that time, all our boast was, that we had defended Great-Britain and Ireland. This was no great degree of glory to obtain, with a garrison of 600,000 D 3 men. |