to whom few looked with confidence for holding them with skill and vigour, and none, for a continuance of their situation, which was obviously and hourly drawing to a period; and when, in fine, the affairs of the country, in every possible event, required the utmost exertion and ability of its rulers, to ward off `increasing evils, and impending destruction.

Under such circumstances, it cannot be wondered at, that gloom and distrust should universally prevail. In the course of the following pages will be seen, what were the sentiments of the best and wisest in both houses of parliament upon so interesting a subject. Nor can we, in any words of our own, convey to our readers so just a delineation of the real state of the few facts which guided public opinion thereon, as the attacks made upon ministers upon this occasion, and their defence, will afford.

Upon the nature of the malady which afflicted the best of sovereigns and of men, we are precluded, by the delicacy of the subject, from of fering the slightest conjecture; and as there was no parliamentary communication upon that head, nothing sufficiently authentic remains, to establish any fact respecting it, or to satisfy the solicitude of the public. A more pleasing task remains for us, which we proceed to execute with the most heartfelt satisfaction; that of detailing the different cir

cumstances which gradually dispelled the general uneasiness, and induced the universal hope in the perfect and permanent recovery of our virtuous and beloved sovereign.

On the 27th of February, twelve days after the notification of his majesty's illness, the first bulletin appeared, which could be said to hold out any prospect of its favourable or speedy termination; it announced the opinion of the subscribing physicians to be, "that his majesty was still better than he was the day before, and appears to be gradually advancing towards recovery." Of this tendency, with very little variation, were the communications until March the eleventh, when they assumed a more decided tone; and the last, three. days after (the 14th), confidently mentioned the daily recovery of his majesty,"

The declarations in Parliament of the chancellor of the exchequer, on the 29th of February, that there was

66 no necessary suspension of the royal functions," and of the lord chancellor, on the 14th of March, "that the lords commissioners were warranted in expressing the royal assent to several bills which had already passed through both houses of parliament," tended, in a great measure, to allay the ferment in the public mind, and restore tranquillity to the bosom of an affectionate and loyal people.*

On the 9th, 10th, and 11th of May, his majesty, to the infinite gratification of the inhabitants of the metropolis, drove through the principal streets of London and Westminster, accompanied by her majesty and the princesses. But it was many months+ before his majesty could enjoy the solace of his domestic circle, or that it was deemed prudent to submit to him the report of the prisoners under sentence of death, a vast accumulation of whom, the unfortunate calamity we have just related, had unavoidably

occasioned.

The first business of importance which occupied the attention of parliament, after the Christmas recess, was the bill which Mr. secretary Yorke brought forward in the house of commons, for the consolidation and explanation of the existing laws respecting the volunteers. In introducing his motion, he deprecated all party animosity in the discussion of the question, and entered on an historical account of the origin of the plan. The system, he said, was introduced under lord Shelburne's administration, was revived in 1794, and appeared still more necessary now than at any former period. From the moment, that this new system was considered by the legislature, necessary to meet the new circumstances of the times, the exemptions were considered as absolutely necessary to its existence. The number of volunteers in Great Britain amounted to 150,000 in the course of the last war, and a very short time after the act passed for training and arraying his majesty's subjects, the voluntary offers of

service amounted to near 400,000, and, consequently, the compulsory clauses of that act were suspended. If a doubt had been entertained of the powers of the volunteers to resign, that doubt would be done away by the present bill. There was another point in which it was absolutely necessary that the law should be explicit. In the first formation of the different corps, they were usually allowed to elect their officers, but the exercise of this power, in filling up vacancies which might afterwards occur, would be highly dangerous, and was not recognized by any act. It should now therefore be clearly understood, that the volunteers had no such power. After pointing out a variety of alterations which he proposed, in the manner of granting the exemptions, he submitted to the house, whether it were not better, under the present circumstances, to continue the volunteer system, even with all its necessary defects, than to abandon it, in order to find out' something else that might sound better in theory, but might turn out much worse in practice.

Mr. Sheridan conceived it would be quibbling with the judgment, and violating the implied compact with the volunteers, to insist that they were not entitled to recom-' mend persons to be their officers for the future, in the same manner that they had done from the commencement. There were some of the corps, who, in their original offers of service, which were accepted unconditionally, expressly mentioned this privilege of electing, or, rather, recommending their officers.

He

hoped

hoped that the strictest good faith would be kept with the volunteers, both in matters of express and implied compact.

Lord Castlereagh thought that the principle of chusing officers by a popular election, was contrary to every idea of military discipline; and although it might be admitted, in the first instance, yet it could not be continued after the corps were regularly formed as military bodies. However important the principle was, in some instances it might be relaxed, if good faith required that those corps who had expressly stipulated for this privilege, should continue its enjoyment.

Mr. Whitbread stated, that the corps he had the honour to command, had, as well as many other corps throughout England, stipulated for the election (as it was called) of their officers. It was given to most of the volunteers during the last war. He should ask, was it given them by law, or by the connivance of the crown? If it were by law, he thought it should be general; if it were merely by the connivance of the crown, he should ask, what mischief had resulted from the practice? As to the volunteer system in general, he should confess, that it neither appeared to him the cheapest, nor the most effectual way of making great military efforts. He had exerted himself, as much as any man, to promote the system, when it was resorted to as the only means of defence; not that he ever considered it either the only or the best means. He considered the exemption system as bad policy. It prevented the filling up of the militia and the army of reserve, and impeded very

much the general recruiting for th

army.

Mr. Windham thought that great part of the speech of the ho nourable mover (Mr. Yorke) was sort of conflict, or running figh against three powerful antagonists 1st, The law officers of the crown 2ndly, the court of king's bench and, 3dly, his own bill. He had however, confessed some of the de fects which were inherent in the system, and, perhaps, upon a close examination of the subject, he might feel that this scrap, this rem. nant of a measure would not be suf ficient to answer the urgent wants and expectations of the country. Ile might find his patching and propping up a fabric, raised on such weak foundations, would never make it a mansion agreeable to inhabit, or one safe to be in the neighbourhood of.

Mr. Sturgess reprobated the principle and detail of the bill. The attorney general strongly supported both.

Mr. T. Grenville approved an idea thrown out by Mr. Sturgess, of the necessity of appealing to a committee of the whole house. They had too many proofs of the versatility of ministers upon this occasion. He took notice of the many differences of opinion on the subject shewn this night between two of his majesty's ministers (lord Castlereagh and Mr. secretary Yorke).

Mr. Hobhouse observed, that the gentlemenwho were so ready to point out faults and deficiencies in the vo lunteer system, did not produce any improvements. All that he could collect from their speeches, was, that they thought themselves the

only

only fit persons to govern the country.

Dr. Lawrence vindicated his friends from that aspersion. It might be as well supposed that the honourable gentleman (Mr. Hobhouse) who had been for many years in opposition, was actuated only by the desire of getting a seat upon the minister's bench. It appeared to him, that ministers were bound to consult the deliberate wisdom of the house, before they proceeded on measures of such importance, and that it was not sufficient to slide in a little bill of this nature.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer denied that there was any precedent in the journals, for submitting the previous consideration of any measure of this nature to a committee of the house. The volunteer system, when first it was presented, was not introduced as a system of absolute perfection, or as having been at once brought to its full und final maturity several defects and inconveniences were admitted, and the object of this bill, was princi-, pally to remedy the practical inconveniences that arose; first, in the election of officers; secondly, in the power of the committees; and thirdly, as to the right of resignation. As to the committees, it was to be clearly understood, that they must not at all interfere in any part of the military regulation of the corps; but might direct its financial concerns. As to the business of the election of officers, he made no doubt but that point would undergo so much discussion, that it would be finally settled in a way that would be perfectly satisfactory; but as to the last point, the power of resignation, he differed entirely from the opinion of his learned friends,

the attorney and solicitor general; and even if the court of king's bench had coincided with them, he should have considered it his duty to have advised a bill, expressly to give the volunteers that power which they conceived they had under the original bill. The hand of the law he thought should not coerce or control their free agency, but, that if in a time of great danger, any of them should desert the glorious cause that they had offered to support, he thought the infamy attached to such a traitorous desertion, would be its proper punishment.-The regulars and militia had been increased more than was ever before known, in the period of eight months. However, he thought, the house ought not to let itself be put out of conceit with a system which was such a proud monument of the zeal and spirit of the people, and of their attachment to their king and constitution. He hoped that the volunteer system would never be considered as a temporary measure, but as a foundation on which the future security and salvation of the country must materially depend.

Sir William Young disapproved of the whole of the system by which the volunteer force of the country was constituted and governed. He thought the prerogative of the crown was questioned by it, and almost three-fourths of the people shelter. ed from that exercise of it, which was coeval with the monarchy, namely that of calling out the population of the country to defend it in time of danger. He even wished to see the good old system revived, by which the flower of the English youth were to be seen on the Sabbath day, exercising with the military weapons then in use.

Leave was given to bring in the

bill.

On Mr. secretary Yorke rising to move the second reading of the bill for consolidating the volunteer laws, on the 27th of February, sir Robert Lawley rose, and said, that ever since the 14th of the present month, the house, in common with the public, had been in possession of the melancholy information, that his majesty had been confined by a dangerous and doubtful illness.Without wishing to enquire minutely into this delicate and distressing subject, he thought, that parliament had a right to some explicit communication. No hope was held out, in the medical reports*, of a speedy termination of the disorder. He, therefore, wished some satisfactory answer, or he should feel it his duty to move, that the house do now adjourn.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Mr. Addington) denied that any such communication could be attended with the effect the last speaker hoped from it; and that any proceeding, founded upon communications, now made to the house, by ministers, would be contrary to the duty that parliament owed to the king, and to the country; that it would be indecent, unprecedented, and unwarrantable.

Sir Robert Lawley immediately moved, that the house should adjourn.

Mr. Fox did not see, that any just notice of delicacy could be an obstacle to a fair and liberal discussion. He should, therefore, state the reasons, why the answer of the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Adding ton) was not satisfactory. The

right honourable gentleman had said, that it appeared to his majesty's confidential servants, that no communication to parliament was necessary;-that a communication would be indecent ;-that no proceeding could be grounded on it. In answer to these extraordinary assertions, he should say, that he knew nothing, and that the constitution knew nothing of any body of men, calling themselves the confidential servants of the king. He knew of persons employed in the executive offices of government, and holding high oflices in his majesty's service, but he did not know who these confidential servants were. He did not know that there was a distinction superior to that of the privy council. While the sovereign was in health, he consulted more with his ministers, than with any other privy counsellors, but when, from illness, or any other cause, he was unable to discharge the functions of royalty, then, persons calling themselves confidential servants of the crown, were no more than ordinary privy counsellors. But it was a matter of serious importance to know, whether the opinion which the right honourable gentleman had professed about the propriety of a communication, were, or were not founded, on the knowledge of his majesty's present state of health, or the probability of a speedy recovery? As to the probable duration of his majesty's illness, or his ability to resume the ordinary functions of royalty, there was no information given either to parliament or the country. It was clear, from the reports that were published, that the speedy recovery of his majesty's

health