or their necessity. The question was not, how his majesty's ministers would use those extraordinary powers, but whether there were a necessity for putting four millions of his majesty's subjects out of his peace. He thought the want of information on the affairs of Ireland, and the different accounts, that ministers themselves gave of the insurrection of the 23d of July, were reasons, abundantly sufficient, to prove the necessity of a general and systematic enquiry into the affairs of Ireland. Lord Grenville felt himself under circumstances of peculiar embarrass. ment, in giving an opinion on a subject where so little information had been granted. He must agree with the noble lord, (lord Hawkesbury) in the general principle which he had laid down, namely, that there were times, when, in conformity to the principles of the constitution, extraordinary powers must be given to meet extraordinary exigencies. When these exigencies were clearly and unequivocally made out, he should never object to extraorIt dinary powers being given. could not be imagined that any noble lord would be averse from the measures necessary for the suppression of rebellion; but it was a serious matter to vote measures of such magnitude, without any information. The only official informa. tion of the state of Ireland, was in his majesty's speech; and in that document parliament was assured, that, since the 23d of July, there had been no appearance of insurrection; but that, on the contrary, Ireland enjoyed an undisturbed tranquillity! The language used by ministers was most contradictory: sometimes the insurrection was represented as a contemptible riot, and, at other times, as a most formidable conspiracy. How were their lordships to judge between such contradictory statements? The bills were certainly introduced, at present, on grounds very different from what had made them necessary at former pe riods. Then, there were armies of insurgents in the field, who disputed with his majesty's troops the posWhen those session of the island. bills were afterwards renewed, it was upon the authority of a report from a secret committee of both houses of parliament. As to the habeas corpus suspension bill, he saw no strong objections. The character of those who were to act under it, was of importance, and ministers, in every step they took in consequence of this act, would be open to future censure, and the most direct responsibility; but the mar tial-law bill was of a very different nature': the persons who were to put it in execution, were under no such responsibility; they might be supposed to act from prejudice, or without adequate knowledge. When first he supported the system of martial law in Ireland, it was, when a rebellion of the most formidable nature was raging with the utmost violence. To the system of open rebellion, a system of murder and intimidation succeeded; magistrates were deterred from performing the duties of their office; judges were prevented from presiding at trials at the peril of their lives; jurors were deterred from giving true verdicts; and witnesses from giving their evidence. The forms of law were thus annihilated, and it became necessary to have recourse to extraordiMartial law was. nary measures. therefore, adopted, and the happiest effects effects proceeded from it. There was no longer any inducement to obstruct the course of the common law; things reverted to their former order; and so far from martial law superseding or destroying the common law, it afforded the most powerful means of its restoration. The case, however, now was widely different. There was no rebellion raging in the country; there was no system of intimidating judges, jurors, or witnesses; there was nothing to obstruct the operation of the ordinary tribunals and the course of common law. In this view of the subject, it did not appear to him that the re-enactment of martial law was necessary, or adviseable; but still, as ministers, (who must be supposed to have more information on the subject) declared it was necessa he should not oppose either of bills. Lord Limerick positively asserte that the re-enactment of those bi was absolutely necessary for the tra quillity of the country, and universa ly wished for by the well-dispost part of the people of Ireland. The lord chancellor (lord Eldon gave his hearty assent to the bills and thought, that no fair inferenc could be drawn from his majesty' speech, to suppose they were no necessary. After a few words from lords Darnley and Hobart, both bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day, when they finally passed into laws. CHAP. CHAP. II. Army Estimates-Debate thereon-Specches of Mr. Windham-Yorke-Grenville-Lord Castlereagh-Mr. Fox-Addington-Yorke-Corry-and Colonel Hutchinson-Resolutions on the Estimates put and carried.-Volunteer Exemption Bill brought in-supported by Mr. Yorke-Alderman Price and Mr. Addington-opposed by Colonel Crawford-Mr. Windham-Sir W. Young and Lord Levison Gower-passes the House of Commons--and Lords, after a slight Opposition. ΟΝ secretary at war (Mr. Bragge) brought forward the army estimates. He said, that he should not have occasion to trouble the house much at length, in observing on the different items of the estimate, as they differed very little from those of the last year, with which it must be supposed that the house was intimately acquainted. He was, how. ever, bound to inform the house, that the estimates he should now bring forward would not include all that would be wanting for the year. As to the number of men to be voted for the present year, he should state it to be, under the usual heads of service, 278,149, exclusive of 22,897 for India. The total expence of such an army, he estimated at 10,904,7551. The difference between the number now to be voted for guards, garrisons, and plantations, and that which was voted in the last session, was 58,768 men; but the greater part of this difference would be supplied by the army of reserve; and the remaining part of the augmentation intended would be in the dragoons and For the volunteer corps he estimated an expence of 730,0001. besides the increased expence of the general staff, in consequence of the number of brigade officers employed to discipline and train them. The estimated number of volunteers in Ireland were 70,000 men, a number which could be considerably increased, if necessary. The accounts of the barrack departments were not yet prepared, but they would much exceed the accounts of former years, on account of the great expence of preparing winter cantonments for the soldiers on the coast. Mr. Windham said, that when the subject for consideration, was, the measures to be taken for the defence of the country, at such a time as the present, he could not lose sight of the character of those men to whom that defence was to be entrusted. He could not express his opinion of ministers more appositely than by repeating the sentiment of an excellent poet, who, comparing the faults of men and women, said: " Poor They who had declared the conduct of France, from the moment of the signature of the treaty of Amiens, to be "one continued series of violence, aggression, and insult,"-who declared that none but one of "nature's fools" could suppose that peace likely to be durable; with such a conviction on their minds, they ought to have commenced their precautions immediately after they had signed the treaty. Instead of which, they immediately began to reduce the army, and dismantle the navy; they sold off the gun-boats at the price of the old iron in them; refused men at five guineas bounty, that they would be now glad to get at fifty, and discharged others that they could not now get at all!!!— From these causes it was, that, after his majesty's message came down, the means of war were to be collected again, with as much difficulty as if we had never possessed them. He should, however, now only consider their conduct since the eighth of March last, when the peace might be considered as at an end. The population of this country was fifteen millions; its financial powers almost unlimited. There was nothing that the country was not will ing to do in the way of service, or no sum that it was not content to pay. When at length ministers did make a call upon the country, it came forward with an alacrity for which they were unprepared. Ministers no sooner tried for this public zeal, than the national feeling rose so fast upon them, that they were alarmed; they no sooner began to sink their well, than the water came pouring in upon them. They could not therefore plead, tha the country had kept back its means -It now remained to be seen wha they did with them. The creation of the volunteer army might cos government one million, and it cos the nation at least two more, from individual contributions. Thus a force was collected which was imposing in its sound. Five hundred thousand men in arms appeared a formidable host, but if we were to examine the construction of the fabric and see how much was solid masonry, and how much mere rubbish, or lath and plaister, it would sink miserably in our ideas. A very small portion were regular troops; a larger portion were militia; another considerable portion was the new formed army of reserve; and by far the most numerous portion was the levy en masse, moulded into the form of volunteer corps. Of the regular troops he could not speak too highly. The militia had arrived to as great perfection as troops could do, where neither officers nor soldiers had the benefit of seeing actual service. The army of reserve could not for a considerable time be classed with the regular soldiers; and as for the 400,000 volunteers, when he felt it his duty to speak of them, he hoped it would be understood that it was of the volunteer system he spoke, and not of the individuals of which it was composed. He could not indeed pretend to speak slightingly of 400,000 individuals, containing a great proportion of the zeal, patriotism, and spirit of the country; but, he must say, that, although such a number of men could not be absolutely useless, yet it must be allowed that they were not at all fit for the services to which they were destined. The attempt was was, to brigade them, and make them regular soldiers, which he considered utterly impracticable. It was, he said, out of the nature of things, that persons, who were obliged to support themselves and families by the exercise of professions and trades, could acquire sufficient expertness to equal regular soldiers, or become fit to be put in line with them. It would be like putting frigates and sloops in the line of battle with three-deckers. He himself was an advocate for a very great volunteer force, but he did not dream of making regular soldiers of them. It was also known, that a considerable part of the volunteers had joined that system, to shelter themselves from the militia, the army of reserve, and other more efficient service; which services were injured by the numbers that were exempted as volunteers. He considered, that the total addition the minister had made to our effective force, as an increase of 7000 men to the regular army, and a levy of 25,000 men to what was called an army of reserve. He also thought they had been culpably remiss in not erecting such works and fortifications as would obstruct the enemy, either in their landing, or in their march upon the metropolis; and strongly recommended Martello towers for the defence of the coast. He thought, however, that the views of this country should not be directed merely to its own defence, but that it should also possess a disposeable force, with which it might annoy its enemies for this object, they should make the profession of the soldier as attractive as possible; they should change the period of service from life, to that of a term of years. They should adopt some, VOL. XLVI. plan for rendering service in the West Indies less necessary and fre quent. Instead of such measures, government appeared intent merely on providing the means of defence, and had but added 7000 men to their regular force. Mr. secretary Yorke was not afraid that the country would enter. tain the same opinion, that the right honourable gentleman had expressed of the incapacity of ministers. In the last session of parlia ment, there were many good op position speeches, but, on the other hand, there were of ministerial votes the great majority of that house.→→ As to the censure of the right ho nourable gentleman about disbanding the army, and dismantling the fleets, he was convinced, they would appear ill-founded, when it was re collected that we never had, at any former period, a peace establish ment which could be at all compar ed to what we kept up during the late peace. The army had been nearly doubled since the last session, having been augmented from 60,000 to nearly 120,000 men. As to the system of the army of reserve, it was similar to that which was almost universally followed abroad, that of having battalions of depôt. The militia were in excellent order, and amounted to 70,000 men in England, and 14,000 in Scotland. The volunteers amounted to three hundred and eighty thousand men, three hundred and forty thousand of whom were infantry, and were disciplined almost as well as it was possible for any equal number of men in the same time. Although they might not be able to meet the enemy in line, yet there were many situations in which they might aid with the greatest advantage. As to |