Page images
PDF
EPUB

to shew that enemy, who had contemptuously used the phrase, that when we contended with them in war, we were as far superior to them, as when we contended with them in trade or in manufactures: and if, as yet, we had made no great efforts in offensive warfare, it was because the defence of the country was the most important object of the war, and must be attended to before any other consideration. Government, however, had not been inattentive to active operations, and had made important acquisitions of territory in the West Indies. He considered that the Irish volunteer force would be sufficient to keep down the disaffected in that country; and, upon the whole, he was inclined to hope that the situation of the country, at present, and the measures the government had pursued, would tend to the attainment of a real, permanent, and honourable peace, in which the security of other nations, and the balance of Europe, might be preserved.

The question on the address was then put and carried unanimously.

In the house of commons, on the same day, after his majesty's speech had been read from the chair,

The honourable Cropley Ashley rose, to move the address. He went over the several topics of his majesty's speech, on each of which he made a few observations, which were principally to congratulate the country on the present aspect of its affairs, and concluded, by moving the address.

Mr. Burland began by comparing the situation of the continent of Europe, reduced nearly to the dependence of a petty German state, with the proud situation of this

country, which had preserved itself from anarchy and despotism. He confidently expected that the address would be voted unanimously, as the experience of the last session had convinced him, that however gentlemen might differ about past measures, or plans of defence, yet when the welfare of the king, the constitution, and the country, were at stake, the house had but one opinion and one voice. He wished the house and the country to be perfectly aware of the impending danger, in order that they might view it without contempt, or without dismay. He deprecated the opinion which he had often heard repeated, that Bonaparte knew the dangers of an invasion too well to attempt it. Such an opinion damped the energy of those who entertained it, and was by no means warranted in fact. Bonaparte had not as yet threatened any thing which he had not attempted. Those difficulties which deterred others, did not deter him. He was never afraid of the sacrifice of his armies, as he appeared entirely regardless of the lives of his soldiers. If, like the Swiss, the Dutch, or the Hanoverians, we were to wait in torpid security, till the enemy were at our gates, we must expect to share the fate of those countries; whereas, if we go forth with one heart and soul to meet him on our coasts, we should, doubtless, drive him back with ignominy. He then took the opportunity of loudly applauding the naval force of the country, on the unexampled patience with which they continued the blockade of the enemy's harbours, so that hardly a gun-boat was allowed to skulk from one port to another. He concluded, by seconding the motion for the adB 2

dress,

dress, which he hoped would be voted unanimously.

Mr. Fox rose, not to object to address, nor to dispute the ements of the mover and secondbut merely to advert to two ats, one of which was omitted, the other particularly alluded in the king's speech. The first the mediation of Russia, recting which, he thought, the se was entitled to information. the last session of parliament, a noble secretary of state (lord Hawksbury) did expressly pledge ministers not only to accept the mediation of Russia, if offered, but even to solicit it, if it were not. That noble lord had stated, that ministers were ready to hear the ideas of the court of St. Petersburgh, and to state their own opinion of the means most likely to bring about a good understanding between the two countries. After ministers had been so pledged, and that such an interval had elapsed, he expected some intimation in the speech, of the success of these negociations; at least, it would be necessary to have such information before the time should come for the discussion of that question. The other point to which he had alluded, was the mention that had been made of Ireland. As to the hope that was held out of its permanent tranquillity being restored, he could not entertain any sanguine expectation of its being realized, at least, while the present system is persevered in in that country. He could not allow that the late insurrection had been brought about entirely by French influence, when the leaders of it expressly disavowed such notions, and disclaimed any connexion with France. He should have felt

It

great and sincere pleasure, if there had been any thing mentioned in the speech which could induce a hope that the system of Irish government would be ameliorated. He warned the house not to give too much confidence to the general assertions that were made respecting the loyalty of that people. must be recollected that those · kind of assertions were frequently made in the last session, even up to the day of the breaking out of the insurrection. He concluded, by declaring that it was not his intention to disturb the unanimity which seemed so much to be desired on the present occasion.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Addington) admitted that Mr. Fox had accurately stated the pledge which had been given on a former night by a noble friend of his (lord Hawkesbury). The fact was, that Russia had offered its mediation, which was accepted, with readiness and gratitude, on the part of his majesty's servants. Discussions were accordingly commenced, but, he was sorry to say, that, in their progress, they did not assume such a shape 'as to afford the least probability of bringing about an amicable arrangement with France. As to the other point, respecting Ireland, he was perfectly convinced that, however some few of the leaders of the insurrection might have disclaimed French alliance, yet that many of them did look to a French invasion as the means of carrying their purposes into effect. He could, with satisfaction and exultation, assure the house, that the conduct of his majesty's government in Ireland had tended very much to improve the loyalty of all ranks and de. scriptions of people in that country.

[ocr errors]

Having made these observations on the two points adverted to by Mr. Fox, he expressed his ardent wish that, on the present occasion, there might be the most perfect unanimity.

After some observations of sir Francis Burdett, on what he conceived dangerous and improper conduct in some of the volunteer associations, the address was carried without opposition.

On the following day, upon bringing up the report of the ad-dress, Mr. Windham said, he did not rise for the purpose of retracting the assent he had given the day before, but for the purpose of explaining the grounds upon which he gave that assent. He wished, by the unanimity of the vote, to shew that it was the determination of the house to give his majesty the most unbounded support, and to maintain the cause of the country to the last extremity. He would be sorry, however, were it supposed, that unanimity in support of the country, implied a unanimity in support of ministers. There were many people who supposed, that, in times of great difficulty and danger, there ought to be the greatest acquiescence to ministry; but there are others who think, that of the danger alleged, as the reason of supporting ministers, the ministers themselves form the principal part; that the preparations of the enemy would have little terror, if met by wisdom and ability; that it is the weakness of the defence, and not the vigour of the attack, which constitutes the danger; and that Bonaparte and his legions were not so terrific to the country, as the little band of ministers that occupied the treasury bench. He did not mean

to speak slightingly of the talents of many individuals who composed the administration; they were men of cultivated minds, and liberal education; not unread in the history of the country, nor unpractised in its business. But yet, to speak of them collectively, as a council, that were not only to rule this country, at a crisis like the present, but to guide the affairs of the world, he thought them weakness itself. He considered them the Augustuli,, in whose hands the empire would perish! About two years ago, he had found it necessary to tell them, that they had signed the death-warrant of their country; and he now thought those forebodings had come near their accomplishment. In the speech itself, he disapproved much the attaching great consequence to our West India conquests, which were objects of no importance, when compared with the immense projects of the enemy. He agreed with Mr. Fox in the fears he had expressed, of the hope held out of permanent tranquillity for Ireland being disappointed, unless other measures were adopted; and concluded, by charg ing the ministers with great inattention to the defence of that part of the country with which he was most connected, the county of Norfolk.

The address was then read a second time, and agreed to.

On the 30th of November, sir P. Stevens moved, in a committee of supply, that 100,000 seamen be voted for the year 1804, which was accordingly agreed to. Leave was also given to bring in a bill for continuing the restriction on the bank of England from the issue of specie.

On the next day, sir W. Scott obtained leave to bring in his clergy B 3 residence

residence bill, and on the motion of
the chancellor of the exchequer, the
house voted a sum of 80001. as a
temporary relief to those curates,
who should be deprived of their
cures by the operation of this bill.
On the 2nd of December, Mr.
secretary Yorke rose, to move for
the continuation of "the Irish habeas
corpus suspension act," and the re-
enactment of "the martial law bill."
He declared, that it was with great
regret he felt himself obliged to per-
form this painful duty; but that it
was the misfortune of the times in
which it was our lot to live, that
we were not permitted to enjoy our
lives, our liberties, and our posses-
sions, without being daily called upon
to make sacrifices of some of our pri-
vileges, for the preservation of the
remainder. Those bills were past
in the last session, upon the actual
breaking out of an insurrection in
Ireland, and from all the evidence
that government had received re-
specting that insurrection, it was
their firm conviction, notwithstand
ing the declaration of one of the
rebels (Emmet), that it was princi-
pally stirred up by French agents.
Ile believed the number of traitors
in Ireland was much diminished,
but whether it were great or small,
the house would not compromise
with them, or suffer them to clothe
themselves with the whole armour
of the law, while they were attack-
ing the government, the senate, and
all loyal subjects, with the concealed
weapons of assassination.

The honourable colonel Hutchinson admitted the necessity of passing those bills, and bestowed great praise on the temperate and conciliating manner in which lord Hardwicke administered the government of Ireland. He could not however

allow, that it was a complete reason that the Irish people should be satisfied, because their situation is not yet as bad as that of either the French people, or of those poor, oppressed, plundered countries, that are called the allies of France. He could have wished much, however, that the spirit of lord Hardwicke's government were supported by the legislative power, and that the affairs of Ireland should meet that attention in the united parliament, that they must have done in the parliament of that country, were it not for the union.

General Loftus and Mr. Hawthorne supported the necessity of the measure.

Lord Temple reminded those who considered, that a time of war and danger was not fit for the discussion of the affairs of Ireland, that it was in a time of war and of danger nearly equal to the present, that so important a measure as the act of union was passed. He observed, that the preamble of the bills passed last session, stated, "the spirit of rebellion and insurrection to be actually raging in Ireland." If the honourable secretary asserted that it were necessary to renew a bill hav 'ing that preamble, he could not object to it.

Lord Archibald Hamilton wished, that ministers would declare whether they intended to bring forward any specific plan for ameliorating the situation of that country: if they did not, he should think it competent to any member to agitate the question. He wished those who objected to the question being brought forward at the present time, would be good enough to inform the house, what was the time they would think proper for its discussion.

Mr.

[merged small][ocr errors]

Lord Castlereagh asserted, that no measure had contributed so much to prevent the mischiefs of rebellion from extending, as that measure which was now objected to. There was a considerable body of loyalty existing in Ireland, but in order to attack and suppress rebellion, it was necessary that government should have extraordinary powers. There was no reason to suppose this power would be abused, as, notwithstanding its existence last year, the civil tribunals were resorted to in almost every instance. He considered the bills not only as due to the loyal subjects for their security, but even an act of mercy to the rebels themselves; for there was no other way of convincing them how utterly hopeless all their projects were, than to shew, that it was in the power of government to blast them in a moment. When they were convinced their schemes were hopeless, and must be destructive to themselves, they might be induced to return to habits of peaceful allegiance. To refuse to arm government with such power, when there was no reason to suppose it would be exercised with harshness, would be to raise the spirits and hopes of the disaffected: but it would paralize the exertions, and augment the fears of the loyal friends of their country.

The bill for suspending the habeas corpus act in Ireland was brought in, and read a first time; and, after some opposition, leave was also given to bring in a bill for

the continuance of martial law in that kingdom, which was also read a first time.

On the question being put, on the 5th of December, for the second reading,

Mr. W. Elliot said, that he felt utterly unable, from want of information, to form a correct opinion, whether this bill ought or ought not to pass.

When the bill was first introduced in the Irish parliament, there were the most authentic documents of an actually existing rebellion. When it was renewed in 1800 and 1801, the act was founded on the report of a secret committee of the house of commons. When it was passed last year, it was immediately after the atrocious murder of lord Kilwarden, when it appeared probable that the conspiracy was most extensive. But when it is now proposed to pass, there was nothing of that sort appeared, to justify the measure. There was neither any actual rebellion, nor was there any report of a committee, nor any authentic information, to make it appear that such a measure was now necessary.

The only thing like official information, which parliament had to guide them, was the speech from the throne, which expressed a hope of tranquillity being perfectly restored, and the deluded returning to their allegiance. Such informa. tion as this did not appear to require measures of such severity. As to the mere general assertions of ministers, he could not place much. confidence in them. It was only a week before the breaking out of the insurrection at Dublin, that the chancellor of the exchequer had congratulated the house on the tranquil state of Ireland, when no martialB 4

law

« PreviousContinue »