ceded him, to so high an eminence of reputation,) feels that he is, by no means, addressing himself only to the present race of his countrymen. To this repository of facts and arguments, of authentic documents and contemporary opinions, future statesmen, historians, and philosophers, will resort for those materials, which must form the surest ground-work of all their labours. And while its present Editor animates his exertions with this reflection, he never ceases to recall to his mind, that all the credit of his narrative, and consequently all the utility of his labours, both now and hereafter, must depend upon his industry in searching for truth, and his candour and fidelity in its relation. That the readers of this volume will find in it ample proofs of diligent and careful résearch, he has too much confidence in their justice, to allow himself to doubt. He is equally conscious of the sincerity of his desire, to deliver faithfully what he has laboriously collected. He does not, however, attribute to himself the merit, if merit it were;-the dishonour, he would rather call it;-of that species of impartiality, which is the product of indifference. The fate and fortunes of his country; the measures which advance, and those which impair her prosperity; the conduct of her distinguished statesmen; and the result of her important transactions; are all to him matters of the highest interest, interest. He is the annalist of a great Empire, but he is, at the same time, the citizen of a free state, Yet while he claims and exercises that liberty of judgment, speech, and writing, which we consider as the best safe-guard of our Constitution, he trusts he shall not be found to have abused it. He has no wish to calumniate those from whom he may happen to differ in political opinion;-none, to misrepresent their motives, to traduce their characters, or, least of all, to falsify the record of their actions. In those branches of the work which embrace the literature and manners of the country, or which aim solely at affording to the reader a liberal and not unprofitable amusement, he has acted with the same spirit of impartial selection and arrangement, though applied to matters of much less importance. And he has above all things been careful to maintain the uniform character of "The Annual Register," by continuing the exclusion of eyery word or sentiment, which could be deemed, in the remotest degree, injurious to the interests of morality. On the whole, it is the hope of the Editor, that, as the historical portion of the work, while it faithfully records the fleeting transactions of the times, may convey some information respecting them, even to those who are best acquainted with their general course course and progress; so its remaining parts may afford to ingenious minds of every description, a reasonable and liberal entertainment, together with the opportunity of exercising their taste and judgment on subjects not wholly unsuited to them. THE ANNUAL REGISTER, For the YEAR 1804. THE HISTORY OF EUROPE. CHAP. I. Preliminary Observations-Meeting of Parliament-Speech from the Throne -Marquis of Sligo, moves the Address-Lord Limerick-Address unanimously carried.-Moved same Day in the Commons by Mr. Cropley Ashley-seconded by Mr. Burland.-Questions put by Mr. Fox to the Ministry-answered by Mr. Addington - Address carried.-Mr. Windham's Speech on the Report of the Address-Debate in the House of Commons, on the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus and Martial Law Acts-and in the Lords-Bills passed. the exigencies of a moment the most awful which the country had ever experienced, induced the minister, after a short recess, of little more than three months, to call the parliament together. Accordingly, it met on the 22nd of November, and his majesty, in a most gracious speech,* after acknowledging the wisdom of parliament in providing the necessary measures for the defence of the country, paid a high compliment to the spirit manifested by the volunteers, and men tioned the capture of St. Lucie, Tobago, St. Picre, Miquelon, Demerara, and Essequibo, as a proof that no exertions were wanting in making an impression on the foreign possessions of the enemy. His majesty also expressed his fixed determination to share the exertions and dangers of his people in the defence of the country (doubtless adverting to the menaced invasion). To the activity and valour of his fleets and armies, and to the zeal and unconquerable spirit of his faithful subjects, he confided the honour of his crown, and all the valuable interests embarked in the contest. He concluded, by expressing his firm conviction, that, if the enemy should hazard an invasion, the consequence to them would be discomfiture, confusion, and disgrace, and to this country the solid and permanent advantage of fixing its independence on the basis of acknowledged strength, the result of its own tried energy and resources. Besides these topics, his majesty alluded to the suppression of the Irish insurrection, and declared his hope that those of his subjects in that country who had swerved from their allegiance, were now sensible of their error, and would join heartily in resisting an invading enemy. He also informed the parliament of the convention which had been entered into with Sweden. The marquis of Sligo moved the address in the house of lords: he began by expressing his opinion, that, if ever there was a moment for peculiar pride in the name of Britain, it was at the present period, when every individual, born to the protection of equal laws, stood forward, without distinction of rank, class, or situation, to shed his blood in the defence of their common country. The measures which the wisdom of parliament had adopted, had been outdone by the zeal and patriotism of the people themselves, and Great Britain now presented to the imitation of the world, the sight of a nation of soldiers, voluntarily stepping forward to defend their unequalled form of government. France would in vain rely on civil dissentions, by which she had obtained such advantages over other countries; whatever divisions religious distinctions might make in another part of the united kingdom, yet there were principles on which all were animated with one mind: all were equally determined not to be dictated to by any foreign power, but live as their forefathers had done, an independent nation, or not to live at all. warm acknowledgment of the sentiments of personal magnanimity,. expressed by his majesty in his speech, he concluded by moving the address. After a very The earl of Limerick seconded the address: he pointed out to the house, that the various topics introduced in the speech of his majesty, were unconnected with any ministerial question, and were such as he hoped would meet the unanimous approbation of the house. He expatiated, with considerable animation, on the heroic patriotism which induced such numbers of men voluntarily to arm themselves for the defence of the country. Instead of being "a nation of shopkeepers," as we had been sneeringly termed by the foc, we were able to |