A

LETTER TO A FRIEND,

CONCERNING

THE RUPTURES OF THE COMMONWEALTH.

PUBLISHED FROM THE MANUSCRIPT.

SIR,

apparent cause of public concernment to the church or commonwealth, but only for discommissioning nine great officers in the army; which had not been done, as is reported, but upon notice of their intentions against the parliament. I presume not to give my censure on this action, not knowing, as yet I do not, the bottom of it. I speak only what it appears to us without doors, till better cause be declared, and I am sure to all other nations most illegal and scandalous, I fear me barbarous, or rather scarce to be exampled among any barbarians, that a paid army should, for no other cause, thus subdue the supreme power that set them up. This, I say, other nations will judge to the sad dishonour of that army, lately so renowned for the civilest and best ordered in the world, and by us here at home, for the most conscientious. Certainly, if the great officers and soldiers of the Holland, French, or Venetian forces, should thus sit in council, and write from garrison to garrison against their superiours, they might as easily reduce the king of France, or duke of Venice, and put the United Provinces in like disorder and confusion. Why do they not, being most of them held ignorant of true religion? because the light of nature, the laws of human society, the reverence of their magistrates, co

UPON the sad and serious discourse which we fell into last night, concerning these dangerous ruptures of the Commonwealth, scarce yet in her infancy, which cannot be without some inward flaw in her bowels; I began to consider more intensely thereon than hitherto I have been wont, resigning myself to the wisdom and care of those who had the government; and not finding that either God or the public required more of me, than my prayers for them that govern. And since you have not only stirred up my thoughts, by acquainting me with the state of affairs, more inwardly than I knew before; but also have desired me to set down my opinion thereof, trusting to your ingenuity, I shall give you freely my apprehension, both of our present evils, and what expedients, if God in mercy regard us, may remove them. I will begin with telling you how I was overjoyed, when I heard that the army, under the working of God's Holy Spirit, as I thought, and still hope well, had been so far wrought to christian humility, and self-denial, as to confess in public their backsliding from the good old cause, and to shew the fruits of their repentance, in the righteousness of their restoring the old famous parliament, which they had without just authority dissolved: I call it the famous parliament, though not the harmless, since none well-venants, engagements, loyalty, allegiance, keeps them affected, but will confess, they have deserved much more of these nations, than they have undeserved. And I persuade me, that God was pleased with their restitution, signing it, as he did, with such a signal victory, when so great a part of the nation were desperately conspired to call back again their Ægyptian bondage. So much the more it now amazes me, that they, whose lips were yet scarce closed from giving thanks for that great deliverance, should be now relapsing, and so soon again backsliding into the same fault, which they confessed so lately and so solemnly to God and the world, and more lately punished in those Cheshire rebels; that they should now dissolve that parliament, which they themselves re-established, and acknowledged for their supreme power in their other day's humble representation: and all this, for no

in awe. How grievous will it then be! how infamous to the true religion which we profess! how dishonourable to the name of God, that his fear and the power of his knowledge in an army professing to be his, should not work that obedience, that fidelity to their supreme magistrates, that levied them and paid them; when the light of nature, the laws of human society, covenants and contracts, yea common shame, works in other armies, amongst the worst of them! Which will undoubtedly pull down the heavy judgment of God among us, who cannot but avenge these hypocrisies, violations of truth and holiness; if they be indeed so as they yet seem. For neither do I speak this in reproach to the army, but'as jealous of their honour, inciting them to manifest and publish with all speed, some better cause of these their late actions, than hath

hitherto appeared, and to find out the Achan amongst | criminous in the judgment of both parties. If such a

THE

PRESENT MEANS AND BRIEF DELINEATION

OF

A FREE COMMONWEALTH,

EASY TO BE PUT IN PRACTICE, AND WITHOUT DELAY.

IN A LETTER TO GENERAL MONK.

PUBLISHED FROM THE MANUSCRIPT.

THE

READY AND EASY WAY

TO ESTABLISH

A FREE COMMONWEALTH,

AND THE EXCELLENCE THEREOF, COMPARED WITH THE INCONVENIENCIES AND DANGERS
OF READMITTING KINGSHIP IN THIS NATION.

[FIRST PUBLISHED 1660.]

Et nos

Consilium dedimus Syllæ, demus populo nunc.

own longer consideration thereon, had more and more unbound us, both to himself and his posterity; as hath been ever the justice and the prudence of all wise nations, that have ejected tyranny. They covenanted "to preserve the king's person and authority, in the preservation of the true religion, and our liberties;" not in his endeavouring to bring in upon our consciences a popish religion; upon our liberties, thraldom ; upon our lives, destruction, by his occasioning, if not complotting, as was after discovered, the Irish massacre; his fomenting and arming the rebellion; his covert leaguing with the rebels against us; his refusing, more than seven times, propositions most just and necessary to the true religion and our liberties, tendered him by the parliament both of England and Scotland. They made not their covenant concerning him with no difference between a king and a God; or promised him, as Job did to the Almighty, "to trust in him though he slay us:" they understood that the solemn engagement, wherein we all forswore kingship, was no more a breach of the covenant, than the covenant was of the protestation before, but a faithful and prudent going on both in words well weighed, and in the true sense of the covenant" without respect of persons," when we could not serve two contrary masters, God and the

ALTHOUGH, since the writing of this treatise, the face of things hath had some change, writs for new elections have been recalled, and the members at first chosen re-admitted from exclusion; yet not a little rejoicing to hear declared the resolution of those who are in power, tending to the establishment of a free commonwealth, and to remove, if it be possible, this noxious humour of returning to bondage, instilled of late by some deceivers, and nourished from bad principles and false apprehensions among too many of the people; I thought best not to suppress what I had written, hoping that it may now be of much more use and concernment to be freely published, in the midst of our elections to a free parliament, or their sitting to consider freely of the government; whom it behoves to have all things represented to them that may direct their judgment therein; and I never read of any state, scarce of any tyraut, grown so incurable, as to refuse counsel from any in a time of public deliberation, much less to be offended. If their absolute determination be to inthrall us, before so long a Lent of servitude, they may permit us a little shroving-time first, wherein to speak freely, and take our leaves of liberty. And because in the former edition, through haste, many faults escaped, and many books were suddenly dispersed, ere the note to mend them could be sent, I took the oppor-king, or the king and that more supreme law, sworn tunity from this occasion to revise and somewhat to enlarge the whole discourse, especially that part which argues for a perpetual senate. The treatise thus revised and enlarged, is as follows.

The Parliament of England, assisted by a great number of the people who appeared and stuck to them faithfullest in defence of religion and their civil liberties, judging kingship by long experience a government unnecessary, burdensome, and dangerous, justly aud magnanimously abolished it, turning regal bondage into a free commonwealth, to the admiration and terrour of our emulous neighbours. They took themselves not bound by the light of nature or religion to any former covenant, from which the king himself, by many forfeitures of a latter date or discovery, and our

in the first place to maintain our safety and our liberty. They knew the people of England to be a free people, themselves the representers of that freedom; and although many were excluded, and as many fled (so they pretended) from tumults to Oxford, yet they were left a sufficient number to act in parliament, therefore not bound by any statute of preceding parliaments, but by the law of nature only, which is the only law of laws truly and properly to all mankind fundamental; the beginning and the end of all government; to which no parliament or people that will throughly reform, but may and must have recourse, as they had, and must yet have, in church-reformation (if they throughly intend it) to evangelic rules; not to ecclesiastical canons, though never so ancient,

so ratified and established in the land by statutes | already sold, not to be alienated, but rented, and the which for the most part are mere positive laws, neither sale of them called “sacrilege;” delinquents, few of natural nor moral: and so by any parliament, for just many brought to condign punishment; accessories and serious considerations, without scruple to be at any punished, the chief author, above pardon, though, after time repealed. If others of their number in these things utmost resistance, vanquished; not to give, but to rewere under force, they were not, but under free con- ceive, laws; yet besought, treated with, and to be thankscience; if others were excluded by a power which ed for his gracious concessions, to be honoured, worthey could not resist, they were not therefore to leave shipped, glorified. If this we swore to do, with what the helm of government in no hands, to discontinue righteousness in the sight of God, with what assurance their care of the public peace and safety, to desert the that we bring not by such an oath, the whole sea of people in anarchy and confusion, no more than when blood-guiltiness upon our heads? If on the other side so many of their members left them, as made up in we prefer a free government, though for the present not outward formality a more legal parliament of three obtained, yet all those suggested fears and difficulties, estates against them. The best-affected also, and best- as the event will prove, easily overcome, we remain principled of the people, stood not numbering or com- finally secure from the exasperated regal power, and puting, on which side were most voices in parliament, out of snares; shall retain the best part of our liberty, but on which side appeared to them most reason, most which is our religion, and the civil part will be from safety, when the house divided upon main matters. these who defer us, much more easily recovered, being What was well motioned and advised, they examined neither so subtle nor so awful as a king reinthroned. not whether fear or persuasion carried it in the vote, Nor were their actions less both at home and abroad, neither did they measure votes and counsels by the in- than might become the hopes of a glorious rising comtentions of them that voted; knowing that intentions monwealth: nor were the expressions both of army and either are but guessed at, or not soon enough known; people, whether in their public declarations, or several and although good, can neither make the deed such, writings, other than such as testified a spirit in this nor prevent the consequence from being bad: suppose nation, no less noble and well fitted to the liberty of a bad intentions in things otherwise well done; what commonwealth, than in the ancient Greeks or Romans. was well done, was by them who so thought, not the Nor was the heroic cause unsuccessfully defended to less obeyed or followed in the state; since in the church, all christendom, against the tongue of a famous and who had not rather follow Iscariot or Simon the magi- thought invincible adversary; nor the constancy and cian, though to covetous ends, preaching, than Saul, fortitude, that so nobly vindicated our liberty, our though in the uprightness of his heart persecuting the victory at once against two the most prevailing usurpgospel? Safer they therefore judged what they thought ers over mankind, superstition and tyranny, unpraised the better counsels, though carried on by some perhaps or uncelebrated in a written monument, likely to outto bad ends, than the worse by others, though endea- live detraction, as it hath hitherto convinced or sivoured with best intentions: and yet they were not to lenced not a few of our detractors, especially in parts learn, that a greater number might be corrupt within abroad. After our liberty and religion thus prosperthe walls of a parliament, as well as of a city; whereof ously fought for, gained, and many years possessed, in matters of nearest concernment all men will be except in those unhappy interruptions, which God judges; nor easily permit, that the odds of voices in hath removed; now that nothing remains, but in all their greatest council shall more endanger them by reason the certain hopes of a speedy and immediate corrupt or credulous votes, than the odds of enemies settlement for ever in a firm and free commonwealth, by open assaults; judging, that most voices ought not for this extolled and magnified nation, regardless always to prevail, where main matters are in question. both of honour won, or deliverances vouchsafed from If others hence will pretend to disturb all counsels; heaven, to fall back, or rather to creep back so poorly, what is that to them who pretend not, but are in real as it seems the multitude would, to their once abjured danger; not they only so judging, but a great, though and detested thraldom of kingship, to be ourselves the not the greatest, number of their chosen patriots, who slanderers of our own just and religious deeds, though might be more in weight than the others in numbers: done by some to covetous and ambitious ends, yet not there being in number little virtue, but by weight and therefore to be stained with their infamy, or they to measure wisdom working all things, and the dangers asperse the integrity of others; and yet these now by on either side they seriously thus weighed. From the revolting from the conscience of deeds well done, both treaty, short fruits of long labours, and seven years in church and state, to throw away and forsake, or war; security for twenty years, if we can hold it; re- rather to betray, a just and noble cause for the mixture formation in the church for three years: then put to of bad men who have ill-managed and abused it, (which shift again with our vanquished master. His justice, had our fathers done heretofore, and on the same prehis honour, his conscience declared quite contrary to tence deserted true religion, what had long ere this ours; which would have furnished him with many become of our gospel and all protestant reformation so such evasions, as in a book entitled, “An Inquisition much intermixed with the avarice and ambition of for Blood," soon after were not concealed: bishops not some reformers?) and by thus relapsing, to verify all totally removed, but left, as it were, in ambush, a re- the bitter predictions of our triumphing enemies, who serve, with ordination in their sole power; their lands will now think they wisely discerned and justly cen