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cretaries.-66. The ministers have seats in the senate, but no deliberative voice, unless they are senators. Title VI.

Of the Counsellors of State. 67. The counsellors of state shall never exceed the number of 50.65. The council of state is divided into sections. -69. The ministers have rank, seats, and votes in the council of state.

Title VII.

Of the Legislative Body. 70. Each department shall have a number of members proportioned to the extent of its population, conformable to the annexed table.-71. All the members of the legislative body, belonging to the same deputation, are to be nominated at once. -72.The departments of the republic are divided into five series, conformable to the annexed table.-73. The present deputies are classed according to these five series. -74. They shall be renewed in the year to which the series, including the department to which they are attached, shall be referred. —75. The deputies nominated in the year 10 shall, however, complete their five years.-76. The government convokes, adjourns, and prorogues, the legislative body.

Title VIII.

Of the Tribunote.

77. From and after the year 13, the tribunate shall be reduced to 50 members. One half of the 50 shall go out every three years Until this reduction be completed, the members who go out shall not be replaced. The tribunate is divided into sections.-78. The legislative body and the tribunate are to be wholly renewed, immediately on their dissolution by the senate.

Title IX.

Of Justice and the Tribunate. 79. There shall be a grand judge, minister of justice. -80. He has a distinguished place in the senate and the council of state.-81. He presides in the tribunal of cassation and the tribunals of appeal, when the government judges it proper. — $2. He has the right of vigilance and superintendence over the tribunals and justices of peace. -83. The tribunal of cassation, when he sits as president, has the right of censure and discipline over the tribunals of appeal and the criminal tribunals. He may, on serious complaints, suspend the judges from their functions, and send them before a judge, to give an account of their conduct.-84. The tribunals of appeal have the right of superintendence over the civil tribunals within their jurisdiction, and the civil tribunals over the justices of peace of their district. -85. The commissioners of government to the tribunal of cassation, superintend the commissioners to the tribunals of appeal and the criminal tribunals. The commissioners to the tribunals of appeal superintend the commissioners to the inferior tribunals. -86. The members of the tribuna of legation are appointed by the senate on the presentation of the first consul. The first consul presents three candidates for each vacant place.

Title X.

Right of Pardoning.

87. The first consul has the right of pardoning. He exercises it after the de.iberation of a privy council, composed of the grand judge, two ministers, two counsel, and two members of the tribunal of casse

tion. The council of state having, on the reference of the consuls, discussed the above project, approve of it, and agree that it shall be presented to the consuls in due form. (A true copy.)

Approved,

J. G. Locre, Secretary general of the council of state,

Buonaparté, first consul. By order of the first consul,

H. B. Maret, Secretary of state.

The project of the organic senatus consultum was carried to the conservative senate by the counsellors of state, Regnier, Portalis, and Dessolles, orators of the government, and adopted by the senate in its sitting of this day.

Buonaparté, first consul, in the name of the French people, proclaims as a law of the republic, the senatus consulte, of which the following is the tenor :

Senatus Consulte for organizing the Constitution.-Extract from the Registers of the Conservative Senate of the 4th of August 1502.

The conservative senate, consisting of the number of members prescribed by the 90th article of the constitution; having seen the message of the consuls of the republic dated this day, announcing the sending of three orators of government, charged to present to the senate a project of a senatus consulte for or

first consul of the republic, of the same date; after having heard the orators of government respecting the motives of the said project; deliberating on the report of its special committee appointed in the sitting of the 30th ult. decrees as follows: the present senatus consulte shall be transmitted by a message to the consuls of the republic.

(Signed) Barthelemy, president.
Vaubois and Fargues,
secretaires.
By the conservative senate,
The secretary general, Cauchy.

[Then follows a table of the number of deputies to be chosen by each department to the legislative body, amounting in the whole to 300. Also a table of the departments of the republic, divided into five series.]

Let the present senatus consulte, sealed with the seal of state, be inserted in the bulletin of laws, and inscribed in the registers of the judiciary and administrative authorities, and the minister of justice is charged with the superintendence of its publication.

Paris, August 5, 1802.,
(Signed)

Bonaparté.

H. B. Maret.

The following Article is taken from the Paris official Paper, the Moniteur, of the 9th August 1802.

HE

ganizing the constitution; having Times, which is said to be

seen the said project of senatus consulte, presented to the senate by citizens Regnier, Portalis, and Dessolles, counsellors of state appointed for that purpose by an arrêté of the

a

under ministerial inspection, is filled with perpetual invectives gainst France. Two of its four pages are every day employed in giving currency to the grossest calumnies. All that imagination can

depict,

depict, that is low, vile, and base, is by that miserable paper attributed to the French government. What is its end? Who pays it? What does it wish to effect?

A French journal edited by some miserable emigrants, the remnant of the most impure, a vile refuse, without country, without honour, sullied with crimes which it is not in the power of any amnesty to wash away, outdoes even the Times.

had succeeded he would have been honoured with the order of the garter.

Let us make some reflections on this strange conduct of our neighbours.

When twogreat nations make peace, is it for the purpose of reciprocally exciting troubles, or to engage and pay for crimes? Is it for the purpose of giving money and protection to all men who wish to trouble the state? and as to the liberty of the press, is a country to be at liberty to speak of a nation, friendly, and newly reconciled, in a manner which they durst not speak of a government against whom they were prosecuting a deadly war?

Eleven bishops, presided over by the atrocious bishop of Arras, rebels to their country and to the church, have assembled in London. They print libels against the bishops and the French clergy; they injure the government of the pope, who has Is not one nation responsible to reestablished the peace of the gospel another nation for all the acts and all amongst forty millions of Chris- the conduct of its citizens? Do not tians. acts of parliament even prohibit allied The isle of Jersey is full of bri-governments, or their ambassadors, gands, condemned to death by the to be insulted? tribunals for crimes committed subsequent to the peace; for assissinations, robberies, and the practices of an incendiary.

The treaty of Amiens stipulates, that persons accused of crimes, of murder, for instance, shall be respectively delivered up. The assassins who are at Jersey are, on the contrary, received. They depart from thence unmolested, in fishing boats, disembarked on our coasts, assassinate the richest proprietors, and burn the stacks of corn and the barns.

Georges wears openly at London his red ribband, as a recompense for the infernal machine which destroyed a part of Paris, and killed thirty women and children, or peaceab'e citizens. This special protection authorizes a belief, that if he

It is said that Richelieu, under Louis XIII. assisted the revolution in England, and contributed to bring Charles the First to the scaffold. M. de Choiseul, and after him, the ministers of Louis XVI. doubtless excited the insurrection in America. The late English ministry have had their revenge: they excited the massacres of September, and influenced their movements, by means of which Louis XVI. perished on the scaffold, and by means of which our principal manufacturing cities, such as Lyons, were destroyed.

Is it still wished that this series of movements and influence, which has been productive of such calamitous consequences to both states, for so many ages, should be prolonged ? Would it not be more reasonable, and more conformable to the results

of

of experience, to make use of the reciprocal influence of proper commercial relations, as the means of

protecting commerce, of preventing

the fabrication of false money, and opposing a refuge to criminals?

Besides, what result can the English government expect from fomenting the troubles of the church? from receiving and vomiting back upon our territory the brigands of the Cotes-du-Nord and Morbhian, covered with the blood of the best and richest proprietors of those unfortunate departments? from spreading by every means, instead of severely repressing, all the calumnies circulated by English writers, or by the French press at London? Do they not know that the French government is now more solidly established than the English government? And do they think that reciprocity will be difficult for the French government?

What would be the effect of such an exchange of injuries, of the influence of insurrectional committees, of the protection and encouragement granted to assassins? What would be gained to civilization, to the commerce and the happiness of both nations?

Either the English government authorizes and tolerates those public and private crimes, in which case it cannot be said that such conduct is consistent with British generosity, civilization, and honour; or it cannot prevent them, in which case it does not deserve the name of a government; above all, if it does not possess the means of repressing assassination and calumny, and protecting social order! - Moniteur.

Treaty between the French Republic,
Prussia, and Bavaria.

Trepublic and his majesty the

HE first consul o' the French

emperor of Russia, having offered their mediation for the arrangement of the affairs of Germany, and having made known to the imperial diet, by their declaration of the 18th August 1802, the indemnities which they thought should be adjudged to each prince in consequence of the 7th article of the treaty of Luneville; his majesty the king of Prussia hastened to conform to the plan presented, and in taking possession of the states adjudged to him, confined himself scrupulously within the limits assigned in the declaration. His majesty the emperor of Germany having on his side announced the intention of causing its different possessions to be occupied, his majesty the the king of Prussia, the first consul, and the emperor of Russia, have spontaneously hastened to make known to him, that it was not at all becoming that his troops should pass the limits assigned by the declaration, or that they should occupy any territory but that appointed for the indemnification of the archduke Ferdinand.

Yet, without regard either to this declaration made collectively at Paris to the imperial ambassador by the minister of the three powers, nor to that which has been made at Berlin by the count de Haugwitz to M. de Stadion, the Anstrian troops have taken possession of Passau, and his imperial majesty has informed the diet by his plenipotentiary, that he would not withdraw his troops, unless the countries occupied by the other princes

were

were in like manner evacuated, which is an indication that his imperial majesty sets no value on the declaration of the mediating powers, and that he regards it as void.

In consequence, his majesty the king of Prussia, and the first consul of the French republic, engage themselves to reiterate in concert, at Ratisbon and Vienna, their efforts to cause the plan presented to be adopted by the Germanic body, and to be ratified in its whole extent, but particularly so far as it guaranties to the elector of Bavaria the preservation of his possessions on the fight bank of the Inn, as far as it secures to him the town of Passau.

And if, contrary to their hopes, and their united interposition, his majesty the emperor, taking advantage of the possession of Passau, should refuse to evacuate it within the period of sixty days appointed for the deliberation of the imperial diet, the governments of Prussia and France pledge themselves to combine their efforts with those of Bavaria, to secure to the latter the preservation of her ancient domains on the right of the Inn, as well as the possession of Passat, and the entire indemnity which has been adjudged to her.

Done at Paris, 18 Fructidor, year
10 (September 5, 1801).
(Signed) Talleyrand.

Marquis de Lucchesini.
Cetto.

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administrator-general of the states of Parma, Piacenza, Guastalla, &c. A convention concluded between France and Spain, the 21st March 1801, places at the disposal of France, the states of the infant duke of Parina, and death having carried off that prince upon the 9th of Oc tober 1802, the first consul has decided, that from this moment the exercise of the sovereignty is transferred by just right to the French republic, and he has in consequence cast his eyes upon us, and declared us administrator-general of these states. We have in consequence decreed as follows:-I. Reckoning from the 9th October, all the rights and powers attached to the sovereignty in the said states of Parma, Piacenza, Guastalla, &c. belong and remain to the French republic.— II. The provisional regency established the same day, that his royal highness the infant duke of Parma had ceased to live, is suppressed.— III. All the functionaries of the old government shall continue provisionally, and until a new order express their functions. IV. The public acts, whatever their nature, shall be made out in the name of the French republic, and shall bear a double date, viz. that of the calendar of this republic and that of the old calendar.-V. No act of public administration or legislation shall have any validity, unless it emanates directly from us, or is clothed with our approbation.-VI. We enjoin all the public functionaries, without exception, under their responsibility, to increase their zeal and activity, to labour conjointly with us to maintain good order and public tranquillity, to secure the triumph of justice, without which there is no society, and to preserve among a I t

people,

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