jesty honoured Sir Robert Peel yesterday morning, after he had submitted to your Majesty the names of those whom he proposed to recommend to your Majesty for the principal executive appointments, he mentioned to your Majesty his earnest wish to be enabled, with your Majesty's sanction, so to constitute your Majesty's household, that your Majesty's confidential servants might have the advantage of a public demonstration of your Majesty's full support and confidence; and that at the same time, as far as possible consistently with that demonstration, each individual appoint ment in the household should be entirely acceptable to your Majesty's personal feelings. "On your Majesty's expressing a desire that the Earl of Liverpool should hold an office in the household, Sir Robert Peel requested your Majesty's permission at once to offer to Lord Liverpool the office of Lord Steward, or any other which he might prefer. "Sir Robert Peel then observed, that he should have every wish to apply a similar principle to the chief appointments which are filled by the ladies of your Majesty's household; upon which your Majesty was pleased to remark, that you must reserve the whole of these appointments, and that it was your Majesty's pleasure that the whole should continue as at present, without any change. "The Duke of Wellington, in the inter view to which your Majesty subsequently admitted him, understood also that this was your Majesty's determination, and concurred with Sir Robert Peel in opinion that, considering the great difficulties of the present crisis, and the expediency of making every effort in the first instance to conduct the public business of the country with the aid of the present Parliament, it was essential to the success of the commission with which your Majesty had honoured Sir Robert Peel, that he should have that public proof of your Majesty's entire support and confidence, which would be afforded by the permission to make some changes in that part of your Majesty's household, which your Majesty resolved on maintaining without any change." Thus, on Friday, all doubt as to the extent of the demand made by Sir Robert Peel was at an end. It could no longer be pretended that he stipulated for a general removal of all the ladies of the bedchamber. His meaning, as explained by himself, was evident: He asked only the removal of those, who, from their close connection with the displaced Ministry, he had expected voluntarily to resign their offices. This was, accordingly, the meaning put upon his letter by the present Ministry; for the position now taken by them, and the advice tendered by them to her Majesty, was, that even as thus limited, her Majesty ought not to concede the point, and that no change of any kind in the female appointments connected with the household, could reasonably have been demanded by Sir Robert Peel. Her Majesty's confidential servants, among whom, be it observed, were the wife of the one and the sisters of Lord Normanby and Lord Morpeththe other being the three ladies against whose continuance in the household the proposition of Sir R. Peel was probably directed-after consulting Sir Robert Peel's letter of the 10th at a meeting of the Cabinet, came to the conclusion which they have recorded in a minute, that while the great offices of court and situations of the household should be included in the political arrangements consequent upon a change of administration, "they are not of opinion that a similar principle should be applied or extended to the offices held by ladies in her Majesty's household." And that this principle was held broadly, and change as to a total one, appears still in reference equally to the slightest more distinctly from the observations of Lord Melbourne: "We so entirely agree with her Majesty that it is inexpedient to apply the principle that the ladies of her Majesty's household should be removed, that all or any part of them should be removed, in consequence of changes in the administration, that we have come to the determination to support her Majesty on the present occasion." Such then is the footing on which the administration have resumed office; the approbation of the principle, that no change of any kind among the ladies of her Majesty's household, however closely connected with the members of the former Administration, was to be permitted. They have made this principle their own, and have taken on themselves, as Lord John Russell expresses it, the constitutional responsibility of advising the Queen to act upon it. They resume office admittedly on no ground of a restoration of public confidence, but on the ground that an unusual and improper demand was made by Sir Robert Peel, with which they, the parties who were to benefit by that resistance, advised her Majesty not to comply. For this resolution to resume the conduct of affairs, which they have admitted they were incapable of conducting with advantage to the country, they claim the credit of the highest gallantry. It is represented by the noble Premier almost as an act of heroic devotion on the part of himself and his colleagues : "I will not use the harsh expression that I resigned my office because I was abandoned by my supporters; but because there had, as I conceived, arisen amongst my supporters that amount of difference in opinion which led me to suppose that I could no longer with honour to myself, or advantage to the country, conduct the affairs of government; and I now, my Lords, frankly declare that I resume office unequivocally and solely for this reason that I will not abandon my Sovereign in a situation of difficulty and distress, and especially when a demand is made upon her Majesty with which I think she ought not to comply." But while the Melbourne Ministry profess to support the Queen's resolution, or rather to justify their own advice, that no change whatever should be permitted to be made in the offices held by ladies in the household, it deserves observation, that even after the letter of Sir Robert Peel of Friday, explaining the limited nature of his own expectations, the followers of the Melbourne Ministry throughout the country raised a universal cry that Sir Robert Peel had demanded an entire removal of the whole ladies connected with the Court, without reference to their political position, and without regard to the personal predilections and early friendships of her Majesty. The utmost violence of the public press, or of private agitators, has been directed against Sir Robert Peel, on the footing that he had so acted—a supposition which must have been countenanced by the Ministry, or at least was never contradicted by them; although, whatever might have been their original impressions, as to which we are extremely sceptical, they must have been perfectly aware, from the letter of Friday, that no such proposition had been made, and that the question at issue must be debated on very different and much more disputable ground. Before offering any comments of our own upon these transactions, or on the constitutional principle involved in them, let us listen for a few minutes to the footing on which Sir Robert Peel, in his explanation to the House of Commons, has rested the vindication of his conduct in declining, in such circumstances, to proceed with the commission intrusted to him. Let any man divest himself ever so little of political prejudice, and ask his own understanding, whether the appeal thus made to it can possibly be resisted : "Sir, I did decline to undertake the duty of forming an administration on the understanding that the whole of these appointments should, without exception, be continued. But I did so on public principles, and from a sincere belief that it was impossible for me to encounter the difficulties by which I was encompassed in attempting to conduct public affairs, unless I had the fullest and most unequivocal proof that I possessed the confidence of her Majesty. It appeared to me that there never was a period when the demonstration of that entire confidence was more absolutely necessary for a minister. The duties of the office of a prime minister are, I conceive, the most arduous and the most important that any human being can be called on to discharge. It is the greatest trust, almost without exception, in the civilized world, which can be devolved upon any individual. Sir, I was ready to undertake the performance of those duties; but could I look around me at the present condition of look around public affairs-could me, and not see that it was my absolute duty to this country, and above all to her Majesty, to require that every aid that could be given me should be given? What were the questions which would immediately press for my consideration ? The state of India-the state of Jamaica — the state of Canada-world all require my immediate consideration; and with respect to some of them, perhaps, the proposal of legislative measures. Sir, I considered the internal state of this country-I saw insurrection in the provinces-I saw the letter of the noble lord opposite (Lord John Russell) inviting the respectable part of the population of this country to form themselves into armed societies for resisting outrage. In addition to the ordinary duties devolving upon a prime minister, there are therefore circumstances which render that position at the present moment peculiarly onerous and arduous. Sir, I had a strong impression that it was my duty to make every effort to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the present Parliament. I did not think it was desirable to follow the course taken in 1834, and commence the government by a dissolution. After the frequent dissolutions that have taken place, and the balanced state of parties, it was my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every effort in the first instance to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the present Parliament. But what is my condition in the present Parliament? I should begin the government in a minority. I did not shrink from the consciousness of such a state of things. But, if I were insensible to the importance of the crisis-to the difficulties that I or any minister must have to contend with-could I overlook this important fact, that in the House of Commons I should not commence commanding a majority? Sir, if then I began the administration of public affairs without the confidence of the House of Commons, could I ask for less than that I should have the demonstration of the entire and unqualified confidence of my sovereign? Her Majesty's ministers retired on the question of Jamaica, being in a majority of five. I should have had to undertake the settlement of the Jamaica question being in a minority of five, and that minority consisting of ten gentlemen on whose support I could not calculate probably on any other question which I should have occasion to bring before the House. The first conflict I should have to fight would have been on the election of a Speaker. On the very first day that I took my seat as minister of this great country and member of the House of Commons, I should have to risk, perhaps, the fate of government, or the question of dissolution, upon the choice of a Speaker. Sir, I say that all these considerations impressed me with the clearest conviction that it would be a public duty on my part-an indispensable public duty which I owe to the Queen-to seek for every possible demonstration that I possessed her Majesty's entire confidence. And I do confess to you, without reserve and without hesitation, that it appeared to me that if the chief offices of the Queen's household were to be held by the immediate relatives of those ministers whom I displaced-the relatives of my rivals for political power it did appear to me that I never could impress the country with the conviction that I, as a minister, was possessed of the entire confidence of my Sovereign. Sir, let me take that particular question on which my chief difficulty would arise. Who can conceal from himself that my difficulties were not Canada-that my difficulties were not Jamaicathat my difficulties were Ireland? I admit it, sir, fully. But what were the facts? I, undertaking to be a minister of the crown, and wishing to carry on public affairs through the intervention of the present House of Commons, in order that I might exempt the country from the agitation and possibly the peril of a dissolution I, upon that very question of Ireland, should have begun in a minority of upwards of twenty. A majority of twenty-two had decided in favour of the policy of the Irish government. The chief members of the Irish government, whose policy was so approved of, were the Marquis of Normanby, and the noble lord opposite, the member for Yorkshire. The two chief offices in the household are held by the sister of the noble lord, and by the wife of the noble marquis. Let me not for a moment be supposed to say a word not fraught with respect towards those two ladies, who cast a lustre on the society in which they move, less by their rank than by their virtues; but still they stand in the situation of the nearest relatives of two members of the government whose policy was approved by this House. Now, I ask any man in the House whether it is possible that I could safely undertake the conduct of an administration and the management of the Irish affairs in this house, consenting previously that the whole of the ladies now forming the household of her Majesty should continue in those situations? Sir, the policy of these things depends not upon precedent-not upon what has been done in former times; it mainly depends upon a consideration of the present crisis. The household has now assumed a political character, and that on account of the nature of the appointments which have been made by her Majesty's present Government. I do not complain of it: it may have been a wise policy to place in the chief offices of the household, ladies closely connected with the members of the Administration; but observe that this change does seriously tend to the public embarrassment of the successors of Ministers, if these ladies continue in their present situations. I do not say that there would be the slightest use made of unfair means; I might be confident that these ladies would confine themselves to the duties of their proper situations; but observe, that is not the question. That remark will apply equally to the lords of the bedchamber; for the presumption is, that they do not interfere with public duties. But the question is, would it be considered by the public that a minister had the confidence of the crown when the relatives of his immediate political opponents held the highest offices about the person of the sovereign? My impression decidedly was, that I should not appear in that situation to the country, and upon that impression I acted. Who were my political opponents? Why, of the two I have named, one, the Marquis of Normanby, was publicly stated to be a candidate for the very same office which it was proposed I should fill. The noble lord has been designated as the leader of the House of Peers; I know not why his talents might not justify his appointment in case of the retirement of his predecessor. But this was the fact; and I ask you to go back to other times-take Pitt, or Fox, or any other minister—and answer for your selves this question: shall you, entering on so grave a contest-shall you be minister- but shall the wife of your political opponent hold an office which will place her in immediate connexion with the sovereign? I felt it was impossible that I could contend successfully with the difficulties that encircled me, unless I had that proof of the entire confidence of her Majesty. As I stated before, I began without the certainty of commanding a majority of the House of Commons. I began, having only to rely upon an appeal to their good sense, upon an appeal to their forbearance to their political forbearance for the hope of support in the present House of Commons; being perfectly prepared, on the failure of my attempt in the present House of Commons to go. vern, to advise her Majesty to resort to the only alternative which might present itself to enable me to maintain my post. But if the agreement, if the understanding, upon which I was to enter upon office was, that I should encounter all those difficulties-that the ladies of those who preceded me, of those with whom I was to be in daily conflict, were to be in immediate contact with the Queen; and, considering the political character given to the household, that I was to acquiesce in that selection-there was something stronger than personal considerations which urged me to decline the honour thus tendered to me. Though the public would lose nothing by my abandonment-though the public would, perhaps, lose nothing by my eternal seclusion from power-yet the public would lose, and I should be abandoning my duty to myself, to the country, and, above all, to the Queen, if I consented to hold power, permitting, as an understanding on my acceptance of office, that the ladies connected with my warmest political opponents should continue to retain household offices. There was something that told me that I must not undertake the office of minister of this great country on such a condition. Sir, I have attempted to give this explanation in as fair and unexceptionable a manner as I can ; and I owe it to truth to state, that intervening reflection has only confirmed my previous impression." No man, we are convinced, whatever may be his political creed, can read the address which we have now quoted, without the highest admiration and sympathy for the honourable and high-minded principles of conduct which it expresses-no man, at least, in whose breast the poison of envy does not convert his rising admiration into rancorous hatred. The speech of Sir Robert Peel is all that it ought to be: it contains a plain statement of facts, and a clear exposition of his feelings, leaving it to the minds of his audience to form their own judgment on his conduct. It was not for him, in the position in which he stood, to enter on an argumentative controversy, or to lay down dogmas of government, or to admi nister to his opponents the rebuke which they might be thought to deserve, for the advice they had given and the course they had pursued. But there was a man whose position in these transactions made it a matter of less delicacy to speak his mind with freedom, and whose age, experience, and estimation with the country, demanded that his opinions should be fully declared. The Duke of Wellington, the greatest man of his time and nation, and one of the greatest men of any time or nation, had been a witness and a party to these events in their progress, but so that no suspicion could exist of the slightest bias in his noble, and candid, and disinterested mind, to warp his feelings or throw a doubt upon his statements. The speech of that great man on this important subject, is so full of that wisdom and dignity which spring from high moral principle, that we shall not impair its effect by mutilation, but shall embody it entire at the close of this article, as a lesson of political truth which cannot be too carefully preserved, or too frequently consulted by those to whom national interests are a subject of concern. A reference to that valuable document might almost enable us to dispense with any observations of our own on the question to which it relates. But we are anxious to discuss that question in all its bearings, convinced that the more it is examined, the more manifest will be the conclusions to which it inevitably leads. It is impossible to contemplate the events which we have above detailed, without feeling that they are fraught with the most important consequences, for good or for evil, to the future destinies of the nation. We shall endeavour, with as much calmness and candour as we can command, to follow out the reflections which they naturally suggest. In the outset, it is most satisfactory to think that in no degree are we even tempted in this case to deviate from that devotion and respect towards the Sovereign, which, in the most trying circumstances, it is the bounden duty of all loyal subjects, and more preeminently of the Conservative party, to maintain undiminished. It is true that the Queen's voice has been the immediate instrument which has for a time prevented the accomplishment of an object, deeply interesting to our own hearts, and, as we firmly believe, essentially interwoven with the prosperity of our country. But not only theoretically are we enabled to transfer to others the legal responsibility for that result; the actual and admitted facts of the case demonstrate that, in plain and practical truth, the Melbourne Cabinet are the parties by whose direct advice and influence the views adopted by her Majesty were either originally raised, or, at least, ultimately insisted in. We have no reason to believe that, but for their interference, the feelings of the Sovereign would have formed any obstacle to the formation of a new ministry. Having thus dismissed a question on which we should with grief and reluctance have seen any inducement to adopt a different opinion, we proceed to consider the question at issue in its relation, 1st, To the conduct of Sir Robert Peel; 2d, To the conduct of the Melbourne Cabinet; 3d, To the prospects of the country and the Conservative cause. I. Of the conduct of Sir Robert Peel we most firmly believe, that in every mind capable of understanding the simplest statement of facts, of weighing the clearest case of evidence, or of feeling the plainest principles of honesty or honour, only one opinion can by possibility be entertained. The office of Prime Minister of England has not been sought by that eminent man through any factious course of public policy, or any insidious arts of private intrigue. On a great constitutional question he asserted, in the House of Commons, the privilege of maintaining against ministers his own conscientious opinion, and he prevailed on all but a bare majority of the national representatives to adopt his views. The ministry thought proper to consider the result of that discussion as a decisive proof that they were not possessed of the confidence of the House of Commons. They did more-they acknowledged it as a proof that they were not possessed of the confidence of the country. They avoided a resort to the proper and only means by which the nation might be appealed to against the determination of its representatives. They resigned, and their resignations were accepted: a proceeding which unequivocally indicated that they were unable longer |