more lively by the fact, that I see the country tranquil and happy, and agriculture flourishing in all my kingdom. A king-a father-how can he desire any thing else than the happiness of his children?"

Had the Chamber of Deputies been sitting at the period of the anniversary in question, its members likewise would have appeared at the Tuileries to express their gratitude and love. All classes and ranks were represented on the return of the 12th April of every year-and all vied with each other in declaring that such anniversaries were to them the source of unfeigned delight. It is not true, that only official representatives, paid functionaries, or persons attached to the court made these declarations: no, all classes sent their deputations to the palace, to assure the King that the remembrance of the day on which the Bourbons returned to the capital gave them unqualified satisfaction. It cannot be, then, that the "foreign origin" of the events of 1814, and the return of the Bourbons to France with foreign bayonets, were the reasons why, in 1830, the majority of the Chamber of Deputies, the press, and the associations, sought to destroy the prerogatives and rights of the Throne, and to reduce it to a state of dependence on 100,000 communal republics.

We contend, then, 1st, That the Government of France, as established by the Charta of 1814, was that of a limited monarchy; 2d, That the mass of the people not merely adopted, but preferred that form of government; 3d, That the people had no aversion to the Bourbons, from the fact that, in 1814, they were replaced on the throne of their ancestors by foreign bayonets; 4th, That a faction in the country, and a majority of forty in the Chamber of Deputies, began, in 1829, its attacks on the rights and preroga. tives of the crown; and, 5th, That now, in 1839, this same faction, joined by others, after having stripped the throne of some of the most valuable of its prerogatives, as possessed by the eldest branch of the House of Bourbon, is now engaged in bringing about the state of things years ago described by M. Royer Callard, in one of his admirable speeches.

"The day that the Government shall only exist by the will of the majority of the

Chamber; the day that it shall be established as a fact, that the Chamber may repulse the ministers of the King, and impose on him others who shall be the ministers of the Chamber, and not the ministers of the King;-the day that this shall arrive, there will not only be an end of the Charta, but of our royalty of that independent royalty which protected our fathers, and from which alone France has received all that she ever possessed of liberty and of happiness. . . . On that day, France will be a republic; and yet the Charta wills that we remain a monarchy."

Yet this very M. Royer Callard took up to Charles X., and read to him an address, which attacked, in the name of the "majority of the Chamber," this very prerogative of the King, which, only a few months previously, he had defended with so much of truth and eloquence! This address -this attack-led to the ordinances of July and to the Revolution; and now, nine years afterwards, the very same attacks are renewed against Louis Philippe, although some of the most valuable rights and prerogatives of the crown, as enjoyed under the Charta of 1814, were repealed by the Charta of 1830.

The language and conduct of Charles X. did not justify the aversion felt by the majority in the Chamber of Deputies to the influence of the crown. Though that amiable prince insisted on the importance of the great principle of legitimacy to the stability of the political institutions of France, yet his language was always mild, paternal, and benignant. Docs he reply to the president of the Court of Cassation? he says,

"L'amour que les Français ont conservé pour la race de leurs rois est, j'ose le dire, ce qui constitue leur force et ce qui consolidera á jamais leur bonheur. La légitimité, et je puis en parler moi-même, car il n'y a pas la de merite personnel, la légitimité a ce caractère distinctif, que l'interet même des peuples en fait la force et assure le succes de ses efforts: je l'ai bien éprouvé lors de mon entrée dans Paris."

Does he speak to the Court of Accompts? he says,

"Uniquement occupé du bonheur de mon peuple, j'espere parvenir à le consolider; mon vou le plus cher c'est que la posterité puisse bénir mon nom."

Does he address the citizens of

Paris, through their organ the Count de Chalvol? he says,

"Tous mes efforts tendront comme ils ont tendu jusqu' ici à consolider d'une

manière indestructible le bonheur des Français."

Does he publish a proclamation to all France, and call on the electors to do their duty, hear the mild and moderate language he makes use of, in June 1830, on the eve of the general elections:

"La dernière Chambre des Deputés a méconnu mes intentions. J'avais droit de compter sur son concours pour faire le bien que je meditais: elle me l'a refusé! Comme père de mon peuple, mon cœur s'en est affligé; comme roi, j'en ai été offensé j'ai prononcé la dissolution de cette Chambre.

"Maintenir la Charte constitutionelle et les institutions qu' elle a fondées, a été, et sera toujours, le but de mes efforts.

"Mais pour atteindre ce but, je dois exercer librement, et faire respecter, les droits sacrés qui sont l'apanage de ma

"C'est votre Roi qui vous le demande; c'est un père que vous appelle. Remplissez vos devoirs; je saurai remplir les miens."

Does the King open the Session on the 2d March, 1830,-what does he say? Why, he points out, in measured and constitutional, though firm and decided language, the attacks which are made against the Crown, the royal prerogatives, the rights of the throne, the monarchy itself.

"Messieurs-Le premier besoin de mon cœur est de voir la France heureuse et respectée, developper toutes les richesses de son sol et de son industrie, et jouir en paix des institutions dont j'ai la ferme volonté de consolider le bienfait. La Charte a placé les libertés publiques sous la sauve-garde des droits de ma couronne: ces droits sont sacrés: mon devoir envers mon peuple est de les transmettre intacts à mes successeurs."

In all this there is nothing that is not constitutional, liberal, and wise, at the same time that it is monarchical and paternal. But yet this language did not satisfy the faction-did not content the majority of the Chamber of Deputies-did not appease the irri

tation and excitement of the revolu tionary party, but, on the contrary, appeared to act as a stimulant to them to cry, with even more fervour and zeal, "France has the right to govern herself;" and it is precisely the same cry, in precisely the same words, which is uttered to-day. After nine years of agitation, civil war, regicide, insurrections, prevotal courts, states of siege, and then amnesty, order, prosperity, and peace, the National still exclaims, as it did when Thiers was one of its editors," The first and great idea of the first French Revolution was, the right of France to govern herself. This same idea has been constantly kept in view; and now, in 1839, France again returns to it, and asks why she is not competent to govern herself?"

As Charles X. was attacked, in 1829 and 1830, for naming an administration in which he had confidence, so is Louis Philippe for the same proceeding attacked now. As Charles X., in 1830, was accused of having the intention of establishing an absolute monarchy, and of getting rid of the Charta, so is Louis Philippe now. As Charles X., in 1830, was supported by the property, character, and aristocracy of the counmelancholy exception, indeed, that the try, so is Louis Philippe now; with the peerage is no longer hereditary, and that some of the oldest families of France have refused to identify themselves with the Crown. As the journals and factions in 1830, with the Agier defection, and the Chateaubriand defection too, insisted that the attacks then made on the royal authority and prerogatives were not against the monarchy, but only against the ministers :- -so now, in 1839, the Guizot and De Broglie, the Soult and the Persil defections, make use of the same language

and vow that all they do " is for the good of the Crown, and out of pure love to the reigning dynasty." As the Chamber of Deputies, in 1830, voted that address of the 221, to which we shall hereafter have occasion to refer -so the Chamber of Deputies, in 1839, voted, within four or five votes, paragraphs quite as strong, and sentiments quite as anti-monarchical. As the Chamber of 1830 discussed the right of Charles X. to name and maintain his own ministers--so the Chamber of 1839 accused one of the three powers

of the state (always so alluding to it as to make it quite clear which of the three was intended), of attempts to overthrow the other two powers, and to destroy the constitutional character of the existing monarchy. As the Lafayettes and Corcelles, Audry de Puiraveans, and Dupont de L'Eurés of 1830 joined with the Sebastianis, Gautiers, Schonens, and Charles Dupins of that period, in forming a COALITION against the court and the Crown so in the present day, the Garnier Pages, Lafittes, Aragos, and Cormenins of the Chamber, are joined by the Periers, the Guizots, the Persils, the Duchatels, and the Thiers's -and another COALITION is forming against the French monarchy. It is not a coalition against Count Molé, as we shall prove hereafter, but against Louis Philippe as King, and because he is King; which coalition would be formed against any other king, whatever might be his name or character, simply because he was king.

There is no reliance to be placed on French assurances, and no confidence to be reposed in even French conduct. Look at the language, as pub. lished in the official and other records, which was made use of to Charles X. and to the royal family, even up to the period of the Revolution. Did the King appear at the Chamber? He was received with shouts of " Vive le Roi!" Did his majesty receive congratulatory addresses on occasion of the capture of Algiers? They were full of protestations of devotedness to the monarchy. Did the Duke d'Angoulême journey to Marseilles, Toulon, and the south of France, to superintend the departure of the Algiers expedition? Every where the air resounded with the cries of "Vive le Dauphin! Vive le Roi! Vivent les Bourbons! At Aix, the co-citizens of the republican Thiers, who was at that very moment labouring in the National of 1830 to overthrow the monarchy, were so loud in their demonstrations of affected loyalty, that there seemed exaggeration in their zeal, whilst the procureur-general said"Ce jour est beau pour nous, monseigneur; et les acclamations d'une population fidèle montrent toujours à votre altesse royale comment les provençaux savent aimer leur roi." At Marseilles, the prefect, in the midst of the citizens, exclaimed-" Monseig

neur, la France est bien heureuse; son Dauphin, comme son Roi, ont un cœur d'or et un corps de fer." When the fleet sailed for Algiers, the cries, Vive le Roi! and Vive le Dauphin ! were so often repeated, and so loud, that a correspondent of that period wrote word, though himself a royalist, "that the enthusiasm was almost excessive," and the crews of the vessel sailed from the port with yet "seven" and "seven times seven more cheers." When the Duke d'Angoulême appeared at Lyons, the Academy of Sciences, Belles Lettres, and the Fine Arts, undertook to address him; and the following is a specimen of the language they adopted towards a family, whom three months afterwards they tranquilly beheld expelled from France by 93 deputies out of a Chamber of 450:- Oui, Monseigneur, nous croyons que la liberté ne peut exister qu'avec l'ordre que l'ordre n'a d'autre guarantie qu'un pouvoir fort et protecteur-que le pouvoir n'est fort qu'autant qu'il est stable, et que la stabilité est inseparable de la légiti mité. C'est à la royauté, Monseigneur, que les communes durent leurs franchises; c'est à la royauté légitime que nous devons la Charte; c'est elle qui la main tiendra; e'est elle seule que peut la maintenir; et ce n'est qu'à l'abri des droits sacrés et imprescriptibles du trône que fleuriront les libertés publiques.' Did the Duchess d'Angoulême proceed, even in July 1830, to the baths of Vichy for her health? Every where she was received with shouts of "Vivent les Bourbons! Whenever she appeared in public, the people were in transports of joy-and even up to the 13th July, the inhabitants of Lyous professed their ardent loyalty at the inauguration of the portrait of the King. As to the addresses presented to Charles X. by all classes, on occasion of the conquest of Algiers, they were so complimentary as to be fulsome: and could the French have been believed, no people could be more loyal, or more monarchical. And yet, this very Count Portalis, this very Baron Seguier, these very same public functionaries who stimulated the King, by their speeches and addresses, to arm himself with the power vested in him by the Charta, and to "save the monarchy," but a few weeks afterwards reproached him for complying

nor of the throne, nor of the laws or institutions of the country. As all is chance, luck, hazard, with them-so they are prepared for any change, and are surprised at none. The second is a political reason. The French of the present day have seen SO many changes, and been used to so many forms of government, that they are not attached to any. They have seen the Old Monarchy, the Republic, the Empire, the Restoration, the Revolution, the Restoration re-restored: and they have talked, gone to the cafés, stalked on the Boulevards, lounged in the Tuileries, read the journals, wondered, gaped, stared, and been amused at all. They have seen so much of every thing, that they are prepared for all changes, and are resolved on amusing and enjoying themselves, happen what will. They are not attached to any but one idea-and that is, the original idea of the First Revolution, handed down from year to year-which is this THAT FRANCE SHOULD GOVERN HERSELF. How? subject to what restrictions? by what laws?—they know not-and care not; but somehow or other, "France is to govern herself." This is the only one of their principles which can be called hereditary.

It is a singular and a striking fact, but a fact about which there can be no dispute, that the French always occupy themselves most about politics, and prepare to introduce changes and effect revolutions, in the days of their prosperity. When trade is bad and commerce low, when manufactures are in a state of stagnation and pub. lic credit has greatly fallen, when the working-classes are starving, when the looms are unemployed, when the shops are deserted, and misery and want are staring the population in their faces-then the French rouse them selves, cry for "Order," support the government, put down anarchy, and rally round those who are the Conservatives of the day. Soon, trade improves, because confidence returns— Soon, public credit rises, because private individuals feel assured-and, in a very little time, the poverty and wretchedness of the past are forgotten in the affluence and comfort of the hour. That moment is precisely the one when the French turn to politics! When the shopkeeper can close his shop at ten o'clock at night, because his receipts have been abundant; when

on a Sunday he no longer keeps his place of business open all day, as he did formerly, because trade was bad, and he strained every nerve to scrape together all he could from the public, but, on the contrary, shuts up his establishment, and rushes with his wife and children to Versailles, or St Germains, or to the environs of the great towns and cities he inhabits; when he has leisure to read the journals-play at billiards in the morning, go to the theatre in the evening-and yet find his receipts sufficient, and more than enough to satisfy all his desires; then he will talk of politics, of the treaties of Vienna, of the necessity for extending the frontiers of France, of the progress of absolutist principles, of the necessity for war, of the past glory of his country, and will aid the first man, or the first club which may invite him, to get up some anti-monarchical movement, having for its avowed object, to "keep the Crown within its just and constitutional limits"--but having for its real object, the destruction of monarchical influence, and the overthrow of monarchical rights and monarchical prerogatives. As confirmatory of the truth of these observations, let us look back to the state of the country in question in 1830, prior to the Revolution; and let us also examine its late condition previous to the deplorable coalition which has been formed against Louis Philippe.

The Count de Chalval, who is now one of the idols of the liberal party, though then he belonged to the Centre Droit, and was Minister of Finance, thus described, at the end of his long and magnificent report as to the state of the finances of France, in March 1830, the general situation of the treasury and the country:—

"Le tableau que je viens de mettre sous les yeux de votre Majèsté, pour lui exposer dans toutes ses partes la situation des finances de l'etat, ne presente que des resultats satisfaisans sur le passé, et plus favorables encore pour l'avenir. Jamais aucun peuple n'a recuelli des avantages plus precieux et plus prompts que ceux dont la France a commencé à jouir depuis le retour de ses souverains légitimes; jamais aucune nation n'a été appelée à de plus belles destinées que celles que prepare encore la sollicitude royale à la reconnaissance publique. Tous les efforts se reuniront desormais à ceux du souve、