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to the movement, Fascism directed a great part of its activities to the solution of labour problems and the improvement of the conditions of the working classes. It succeeded in weaning Italian labour from its supine allegiance to the Red leaders and unions. This it achieved, first by proving that it could secure for the workers material advantages without savage class warfare and perpetual suspensions of work; and, secondly, by persuading them that their interests were more closely bound up with those of all the other classes of the Italian people than with those of foreign or international organizations. The whole theory of Fascism, as it evolved during 1919-22, was based on the essential community of interest of all classes of the Italian people, the nation forming a single spiritual and economic unit, of which each part must co-operate with the rest, as otherwise all would suffer equally. It is a new application of the parable of Menenius Agrippa.

At the same time, Mussolini realized that it was not enough to break the strangle-hold of the Reds on the nation. A national regeneration in every field was needed if Italy was to become worthy of her destiny as a great nation. To this end a complete revision of the whole Liberal-Democratic theory of government imposed itself. "The Socialism which is in opposition to Fascism," as Professor Gentile said in his election speech at Palermo in 1924,*" is only one of the forms of the democratic degeneration of contemporary society." There were, indeed, aspects of Socialism, such as its policy of raising the status of the workers, which Fascism by no means opposed. It was the odious Marxist conception of class-hatred, already condemned by Mazzini, and the disastrous attempts at the nationalization of the means of production which Fascism combated. Fascism, on the other hand, also condemned the policy of basing the government and the administration on the game of partizan and electoral struggles, whereby the activities of the anti-national revolutionary groups were placed on the same level as the constitutional parties; it refused to accept the usurpation by the Chamber of Deputies of the powers of the other dominant organs of the State—the Senate, the Executive and the Crown. It demanded greater efficiency, discipline and respect for hierarchy in all its grades, rejecting the theory of the equality of all mankind, which is the foundation of

Op. cit., p. 42.

universal suffrage, and insisted that the best and ablest men should be at the head of the various activities of the nation, even if they could not count on the support of some influential deputy or" great elector."

The deplorable condition of the national finances called for urgent reforms, whereas the Government seemed unable to provide any remedy, but simply drifted on towards disaster. These reforms could not be effected without rigid discipline, and this could only be secured if the Government was placed beyond the perpetual risk of being upset by a parliamentary conspiracy, and was strong enough to face unpopularity.

When the Duce decided to seize power, the "March on Rome" encountered no resistance. His success was not merely due to the fact that he had large masses of armed Black-Shirts at his back, but to the complete break-down of the administrative machine, to the utter loss of confidence on the part of the people in the Government which had no longer any control over affairs, and to the general conviction that if the country was to be saved from chaos some new form of Government, based on ruthless energy and efficiency, inspired solely by patriotism and free from parliamentary intrigue, must be evolved. The Fascists had proved their capacity to take affairs into their own hands, not only by their successful campaign against sedition in the crushing of the general strike of August, 1922, but also by the manner in which they dealt with ordinary crime and with such serious calamities. as the disastrous explosion at Fort Falconara, in September, 1922. Public opinion felt that here at last was an organization capable of forming a really strong Government, of defending the country's interests at home and abroad: not the expression of any class, nor compromised by association with or dependence on any of the old parliamentary groups, but able to defy the intrigues of the professional politicians and to rule in spite of their hostility.

I shall not attempt to describe in detail the mass of legislation enacted by the Fascist Government in its four years of office. Let it suffice to say that this legislation has altered the whole face of the country. Errors have undoubtedly been made, largely

The grande elettore, a peculiar figure of pre-Fascist Italy, was a citizen of great influence in a constituency, where he controlled many votes.

through inexperience, but partly also on account of the shortcomings of certain Fascists, who were more suited to the strenuous days of storm and stress, when audacity and courage were the chief requisites, than to performing administrative duties in normal conditions. But in order to appreciate the position of the Fascist Government we must bear in mind that Fascism is considered by its supporters not merely a political programme, but a religion, a rule of conduct. To be a Fascist it is not sufficient to declare acceptance of certain political principles and vote for Fascist candidates: one must undertake to act according to a rigid code of honour, to devote one's whole activity to the welfare of the country and to submit to an iron discipline based on a strict hierarchy. There are of course many Fascists who fall far short of this high standard, who have joined the movement for purposes of personal ambition or other unworthy motives; but the ideal is there, and the Fascist organization and leaders certainly try to force every member to live up to it. One constantly reads in the Fascist press notices of suspension from political activity, or expulsion from the party, pronounced on individual Fascists per indegnità morale (moral unworthiness), or for insubordination to Fascist discipline. The struggles among Fascists for place and power in Parliament, in the party or in the various administrations, cannot be wholly eliminated, human nature being what it is, but the Fascist leaders do their honest best to discourage and condemn this evil. Such a code of conduct gives Fascism a character and authority that no other party in Italy has ever enjoyed, and makes of it a sort of Samurai community, inspired by an almost mystical enthusiasm. The Mussolini régime is usually described as a dictatorship. But it should be borne in mind that the "dictator" is not only supported unswervingly by the whole Fascist party, but cordially acquiesced in by those who belong to no political party and constitute the great majority of the nation. When foreign opponents say that they do not like Fascism, they are of course entitled to their opinions. But when they try to make out that the Fascist régime is a tyranny, forced on an unwilling people by an oligarchy of "capitalists" and "militarists (these epithets are used to make the blood of the orthodox democrat run cold), they are obviously talking nonsense.

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Outsiders often criticise Fascism for its uncompromising attitude towards its opponents. But it is just this intransigenza

which constitutes its strength as compared with all other parties. Fascists are violent in their belief in Fascism because they really are inspired by intense convictions. This was not the case with any of the parties under the pre-Fascist régime, at all events until the Nationalists came on the scene. Often the most bitter opponents, after a violent scene in the Chamber, accompanied by a lively exchange of invectives, fisticuffs and even inkstands, might be seen walking out of Montecitorio arm in arm to take their apéritif at the Caffè Aragno and then perhaps to dine together at Le Venete. The lawyer spirit which predominated in Italy's former political life (the great majority of the political men were lawyers) was largely responsible for this attitude of mind.

Fascist legislation has two chief aims. The first is to carry out all the reforms necessary to cure the country of the ills inflicted on it by the degeneration of parliament and by the demagogic and factious spirit, and to provide for economic reconstruction without regard to vested interests or class prejudices, and without avoiding unpopular measures simply because they are unpopular even if indispensable. The second is so to organize the State and the nation as to make any return of the "old unhappy far-off things" impossible. The Fascist Government has not abolished Parliament, but as it can count on an overwhelming majority in the Chamber, secured at the election of 1924 (which was carried out with greater fairness and less violence than any of the previous elections under Giolitti), and as that majority acts according to the strict rules of Fascist discipline, the debates have lost most of their flavour. The Fascists moreover profess to attach little importance to mere talk. Even in the Senate, the great majority of whose members have been nominated not by the present Government but by its predecessors, the ministerial majority is so large that the debates, in spite of the authority enjoyed by many of the Senators, are to a great extent of somewhat academic interest.

The Opposition, weak in itself and unsupported by any powerful party organization or widespread popularity in the country, committed hara-kiri by its "withdrawal onto the Aventine." It is indeed an Opposition of politicians and of journalists-a paper-screen with nothing solid behind it, in whose flutterings the public at large takes very little interest. When the Government is accused of having "suppressed" the Opposition, the reply is that, if by Opposition is meant the seditious.

activity of Communists and Socialists and others who are plotting a revolution to cause the downfall of the existing institutions, the Government has no hesitation in admitting its determination to crush it by all the means in its power. The other Opposition, which constantly appeals, not always in vain, for sympathy and support abroad ad captandam misericordiam, simply does not exist as a real political movement in Italy because it has no following. Had there been a real constitutional Opposition, in the sense of a group of men, enjoying a wide measure of support in the country, capable of criticising the actions and measures of the Government intelligently and in a spirit of fair-mindedness, unperturbed by thwarted ambitions or personal jealousies and able to offer an alternative Government without provoking civil war, it would have fulfilled a useful and constructive function and would indeed have been welcomed by the Government itself. Its existence would have contributed to promote a more conciliatory spirit on the part of the Fascists and have helped Fascism to avoid certain errors. That in time such an Opposition may arise is not indeed improbable and is desirable. But it must be something very different from the existing Opposition, and its leaders a different set of men. It would accept the main principles of Fascism which have come to stay, such as the essential unity of the nation, the syndicalist organization of labour and production, the elimination of class warfare, and the right and duty of the State to defend itself energetically against foreign rivals and internal sedition; just as, after the Wars of Independence, all parties took the principles of the Risorgimento for granted, and a new political life, with new divergences of opinion starting from a new point of departure, commenced.

The constitution has not been altered, and remarkably few changes in the personnel of the civil service or the armed forces have been effected, except in the ordinary course of promotion; but the spirit in which government and administration are carried on is very different. Further essential changes are now in contemplation, for it is generally realised that the old Liberal system, which in the past rendered valuable services, has had its day, and that a new conception of society and of the State has taken its place. Society is no longer regarded as merely the sum total of the individuals composing it at a given moment, but as something higher and vaster. As Professor Rocco, the Minister of Justice,

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