the name Cynosarges, or to the Greek word Kuάv (dog), which may have been given to the disciples of Antisthenes on account of the coarseness of their manners. Antisthenes was poor, but he boasted that he was really rich, for man's wealth and poverty, he said, were not in his house but in his mind; and it was his practical philosophy to limit his wants as much as possible. He is said to have worn a single garment, and to have adopted the wallet and staff, though some writers attribute to others the adoption of these external characteristics of the Cynics. It is not quite clear what is meant by the story of Antisthenes being the first who doubled his cloak (Tpíßwv), but it seems that it was done to render it a more complete dress, for it was his only garment. Laertius, Antisthenes); and if the great battle of B. c. 457 is meant, he must at least have been near twenty years of age at that time. But it is said (Plutarch, Lycurgus, c. 30.) that he survived the battle of Leuctra, B. C. 371; and he is vaguely mentioned in another passage by Diogenes as being alive about B. c. 365. If these last two dates are right, the battle of Tanagra mentioned by Laertius must be the battle that was fought B. C. 426, and is mentioned by Thucydides (iii. 91.); and this is confirmed by the manner in which Socrates is represented by Laertius as speaking of the services of Antisthenes at Tanagra. Antisthenes was at first a hearer of Gorgias, from whom he learned the rhetorical style which he adopted in his dialogues and other writings. He afterwards attached himself to Socrates, and recommended his own disciples, for he had already a number of followers, to do the same. His dwelling was in the Piræus, and he used to walk daily the forty stadia (above four miles) to Athens to hear his new master, to whom he faith-lation of Cynic or snarling. He advised the fully adhered to the end of his life. Diogenes says that he was the cause of the banishment of Anytus and the death of Melitus, the two chief accusers of his master Socrates; but the statement is vaguely made and not supported by other evidence. The time of his death is not mentioned: he is said to have reached his seventieth year. Antisthenes is reckoned among the genuine scholars of Socrates, or those who preserved at least a portion of their master's doctrines and manner of teaching. He was a man of stubborn character, and he carried his opinions to extremes; yet he was an agreeable companion, according to Xenophon, and distinguished by temperance in all things. Socrates, perhaps, gives us an intimation of one of his failings in a story recorded by Diogenes Laertius. On one occasion, when he had turned his cloak so as to show the holes in it, Socrates said to him, "Antisthenes, I see your vanity through your cloak." Antisthenes is introduced in the "Symposium" and the "Memorabilia" of Xenophon as conversing with Socrates and others; and these, which are the best sources for the little that is really known of his character and principles, represent him in a favourable light. He is also mentioned in the "Phædon" of Plato as present at the death of Socrates. After the death of Socrates (B. c. 399) he established a school in the gymnasium of Cynosarges, adjoining the temple of Hercules, which he selected apparently for two reasons: the Cynosarges was the gymnasium for those Athenians who were not of genuine Attic stock, and Hercules was the ideal model of manly excellence to Antisthenes, and formed the subject of at least one of his treatises. The followers of Antisthenes were first called Antistheneii, and afterwards Cynics (KUVIKOί), a term that either had reference to Many sayings of Antisthenes are recorded by Diogenes. They are marked by a sententious brevity, a play on words, and a caustic humour, which may have contributed to affix on him and his followers the appel Athenians to pass a decree that should declare asses to be horses; and when his proposal was treated as absurd, he replied, “Why, you have generals who know nothing, and are only elected to be such." In reply to one who told him that many persons spoke well of him, he said, "What vicious act have I done?" On being reproached for keeping bad company, he replied, "Physicians are with their patients, and yet they don't take the fever." The doctrines of Antisthenes had chiefly a moral and a practical end. It is not possible to state them in anything like a systematic form from such evidence as we have. He had probably no great originality as a thinker; and the best part of his moral philosophy harmonises with that of Socrates. But, as in other like cases, many things may have been attributed to Antisthenes as the founder of a sect which belong to the later Cynics. If the list of his writings as given by Diogenes Laertius is genuine, it will enable us to correct some erroneous opinions that have been entertained about Antisthenes. According to Laertius his works were comprised in ten parts (Tóμo), which contained among other things the following subjects: 1. On style or characters, apparently a rhetorical work; Ajax; Ulysses, &c. 2. On the nature of animals; on the procreation of children; on marriage; on justice and fortitude, &c. 3. On good; on law or polity; on freedom and slavery, &c. 4. Cyrus; Hercules the greater, or on strength, &c. 5. Aspasia, &c. 6. On truth; on dialectic (πEρl Toû diaλéyeσbai àvtiλoyikós), &c. 7. On education or names; on death; on the use of names or Eristicus; on questioning; glory and knowledge and answering, &c. 8. On music; on Homer; on pleasure, &c. 9. On the Odyssey; on Helen and Penelope ; on on the use of wine, or on drunkenness or the Cyclops; on the dog, which may refer to the name Cynic, &c. 10. Hercules or Midas; Hercules, or on wisdom or strength; Alcibiades, &c. The list of Laertius, of which the above contains a few samples, is not apparently drawn up with care, for some things are repeated, but it shows that Antisthenes was a voluminous writer and handled various subjects. Timon (quoted by Laertius) called him a fertile trifler, a censure that probably applied to such essays as Ajax, Ulysses, and other rhetorical pieces of that class, which are pretty well indicated by their titles. There are still extant two exercises of this kind which are attributed to Antisthenes, and are entitled respectively Ajax and Ulysses. These supposed speeches of Ajax and Ulysses for the armour of Achilles belong to the class of common-place speeches. [ANTIPHON.] It appears from the foregoing list, that the writings of Antisthenes embraced many subjects, and he could not therefore be so great a despiser of knowledge as he has sometimes been represented, though it is true that his philosophy was mainly directed to the practice of life, and that he valued philosophy only as a means to happiness. It was, he said, the result of his philosophy to be able to converse with himself: virtue was a thing that could be taught; the virtuous were the truly noble, for virtue was all-sufficient for happiness, and wanted nothing except Socratic strength; virtue consisted in acts, and required neither, many words, nor much teaching. From this we may conclude that he set little value on abstruse speculations, or on rules for conduct, but thought that a virtuous character must be formed by habit, or in other words, by the practice of virtuous acts. His notion of virtue and happiness may be collected from what he is said to have inculcated: he taught, says Laertius, Diogenes freedom from passion, Crates continence, and Zeno endurance. His philosophy was directed to enforce a simpler mode of life in opposition to the increasing luxury of his age. It can hardly be said that his doctrines were diametrically opposed to those of Aristippus on the subject of pleasure and pain, for it is manifest from Xenophon's picture of him (Symposium, iv. 35, &c.) that he was not opposed to such pleasures as arise from the reasonable gratification of our desires; and by his example he even recommended the indulgence of the sexual passion without marriage. He condemned pleasure which was sought purely for its own sake, and which enfeebled the mind and body; but he approved of those healthy pleasures which followed or were consequent upon labour. The doctrines of the Cynics then did not reject pleasure; they sought pleasure in their own way. If the philosophy of Antisthenes was deficient in defining wherein consisted virtue, it may share this blame with other systems of moral teaching. He said that we must avoid the bad, and we must learn what is bad from those who know what is bad; a precept which comprises as much practical wisdom as any system of practical philosophy has yet taught. When he says that the wise man should live as a citizen (Toλiteveσdai), not according to the existing laws (vóuoi), but according to the law (vóuos) of virtue, this cannot be fairly interpreted to mean, as Ritter understands it, that he despised the laws of the state to which he belonged. A wise man obeys the law whether it is good or bad, and so Socrates taught, and there is no evidence that Antisthenes was of a different opinion. It is sufficient to advert to the various senses in which the word law (vóμos) may be used, in order to see that no safe conclusion can be drawn from the expression recorded by Laertius. Nor can Antisthenes be charged, as Ritter says, with teaching that the wise man should be all to himself, and detach himself from all communion with others; for in the Memorabilia of Xenophon (ii. c. 5.) he is introduced as valuing a true friend above every thing. The assertion of Ritter, that he viewed the object of marriage only as the procreation of children, and affection to kinsfolk as no moral element, is entirely unsupported by any evidence. The passage of Laertius is obscure enough in which his opinion of marriage is expressed, but its general tenor is this; that the wise man in marrying will contemplate the procreation of children, and will choose the best woman for the purpose, for he alone knows whom he ought to love; which clearly implies that he admitted the passion of love, and would select a proper object for it. It might be said that when Antisthenes declares the end of marriage to be the procreation of children, he expressed an important truth, for he viewed the procreation of children as the necessary condition for the continuance of a state, and marriage as the only means of fulfilling this condition. The absurdity of attempting to re-construct the system of an ancient philosopher from such scanty materials as exist with respect to Antisthenes, is well exemplified in the remarks of Ritter. The little that is recorded of Antisthenes is obscurely expressed, and the interpretation of it is often doubtful. The doctrine of Antisthenes, that things are incapable of definition, is briefly noticed by Aristotle (Metaphysica, v. 29., viii. 3.). Antisthenes maintained that we cannot explain by words what is the essence of a thing; we may say it has such and such qualities, and so is like something else, but nothing more: for instance, we cannot say what silver is, but we may say it is white like tin. This shows that Antisthenes did not confine himself to ethical precepts; and though Aristotle, and probably Plato, set little value on his philosophical speculations, we cannot form any opinion of them from a few unconnected and scattered passages. The enmity between Antisthenes and Plato is said to have arisen from the dialogue of Antisthenes called Sathon, which was directed against Plato. Antisthenes, it is said, proposed to read to Plato an essay to prove that there was no contradiction, on which Plato said, Why then do you write about it?" This was the origin of the Sathon, in which we may presume that Plato's doctrine of ideas was opposed. In his work entitled " Physicus," Antisthenes said that there were many popular gods (populares), but only one natural God, by which he probably meant to teach the unity of the Deity, as recognised under a variety of names and forms. He also said that the Deity resembled nothing, and therefore could not be understood from any representation. The two orations of Antisthenes are printed in the collection of Greek orations of Aldus, H. Stephens, Reiske, and Dobson: they were translated into French by Auger. A letter to Aristippus, attributed to Antisthenes, is printed in the edition of the Letters of Socratic Philosophers by Leo Allatius; and in the collection of Greek letters of Orelli, 1815, 8vo. The fragments of Antisthenes have been collected by A. G. Winckelmann, Zürich, 1842. ANTISTHENES. There were, says Laertius, several other persons of the name of Antisthenes; three of them were called Heracliteii, or followers of Heraclitus; a fourth was an Ephesian; and a fifth was a Rhodian. One ANTISTHENES wrote a treatise on the Succession of the Philosophers (Tv λoooow Aladoxaí), which is often referred to by Laertius. He was one of the Heracliteii. ANTISTHENES of Rhodes, who was living about B. C. 198, took a part in the public affairs of Rhodes, and wrote an account of contemporary events. (Polybius, xvi. 14.) An Antisthenes mentioned by Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 12.) wrote a work on the Pyramids of Egypt. (Fabricius, Biblioth. Græc. ii. 697.; Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, ii. is useful for the references.) ANTISTHENES ('AVTίolevns), a Spartan commander, is mentioned by Thucydides (viii. 39.). He was sent to the coast of Ionia with twenty-seven ships, B. C. 412. The Spartans sent with him eleven commissioners, with instructions to deprive Astyochus of the command, which he held in Asia, if they should think proper, and to put Antisthenes in his place. He is also mentioned by Xenophon (Hellen. iii.), as one of three commissioners who were sent to examine into the state of affairs in Asia, B. c. 399. The ANTISTHENES, an Athenian, men tioned by Xenophon (Memorab. iii. 4.) is otherwise unknown. G. L. ANTI'STIA. [ANTÍSTIA GENS; POMPEIUS MAGNUS.] ANTI'STIA GENS. The Antistii were a plebeian family. On coins and in inscriptions the name is generally written Antestii. In the earlier centuries of Rome the gentile appellation Antistius occurs alone without a surname. Afterwards it is found in combination with Burrhus, Labeo, Turpio, and especially with surnames indicating a provincial origin or residence, as Pyrgensis, from Pyrgi in Etruria, Reginus, &c. And one branch of the family, as if to distinguish itself from the municipal and colonial offsets, adopted the surname Vetus, which, however, was sometimes prefixed as well as appended to Antistius, as Vetus Antistius, B. C. 56. (Cicero, ad Quint. Fratr. ii. 1. 3.; Velleius, ii. 43.) The Antistii Veteres are the historical branch of the Antistia Gens. Yet of its members none attained to eminence, and the few who are remembered owe their escape from obscurity to political or domestic connexion with other families. Thus Antistius Vetus (No. 1. Antistii Veteres), proprætor in the Further Spain, B. c. 69-8, is probably indebted for his place in history to Julius Cæsar's having been his quæstor in that province. (Velleius, ii. 43.; Suetonius, Julius Cæsar, 7.) The branch of the Labeones, a surname transmitted by some thick-lipped ancestor (Pliny, Hist. Nat., xi. 60.), produced the celebrated jurisconsult Antistius Labeo. [LABEO.] Of the Antistii Veteres the following are the most remarkable; but their relationship to one another is too uncertain to admit of their being arranged in an unbroken stemma. The affiliation of them from B. C. 30 to A. D. 150 is conjectural only, although the intervals of the years render it not improbable. Q. Antistius Vetus, mentioned by Valerius Maximus (vi. 3. 11.) among the examples of the ancient strictness of manners, has no place in the following table, since Quintus was not a prænomen of the Antistii Veteres. P. Antistius, who was tribune of the Plebs B. c. 88, during the year of his office opposed C. Julius Cæsar Strabo, who had become a candidate for the consulship without having served as prætor, which was illegal. He distinguished himself by his speech against Cæsar, and even surpassed his colleague, P. Sulpicius Rufus, who also spoke on this occasion. After his tribuneship he was often engaged in the most important causes. Cicero (Brutus, 63) speaks well of his oratorical powers. His daughter Antistia married Pompeius Magnus. Antistius was murdered B. C. 82, by the order of C. Marius the younger. ANTI'STIUS, an ancient physician at Rome, who examined the body of Julius Cæsar after his assassination (B. C. 44, March 15.), and pronounced (according to Suetonius) that out of his three-and-twenty wounds there was not any that was mortal except one that he had received in the breast. As in some copies of Suetonius the name is written Antius instead of Antistius, Fabricius conjectures that he may perhaps be the same physician who is called Antæus or Anthæus. Some persons suppose Antistius to be the physician who was taken prisoner with Julius Cæsar by the pirates at the island of Pharmacusa, but this is quite uncertain, as that physician's name is not mentioned. (Suetonius, Julius Cæsar, cap. 4. 82.; Fabricius, Biblioth. Græca, xiii. 65. ed. vet.; Plutarch, Cæsar, cap. 2.) W. A. G W. B. D. ANTOINE DE BOURBON, duke of Vendôme, and, by marriage, king of Navarre, was the eldest son of Charles de Bourbon, first Duke of Vendôme. He was born 22d April, 1518, at the castle of La Fère, in Picardy, and, during his father's lifetime, bore the title of Count of Merle. He succeeded his father in the duchy of Vendôme in 1537; and also in the government of Picardy. He was head of the family of Bourbon, and first prince of the blood next to the king's children. He was one of the princes who proposed to seize the emperor Charles V. at Chantilly, on occasion of his visit to Paris, in 1540. He took part, with some distinction, in the war which recommenced between François I. and the emperor Charles V. in 1542, and in that which broke out in 1552 between Henri II., son and suc cessor of François, and the emperor. In these wars the rivalry between him and François, the great duke of Guise, appears to have commenced, which lasted through their lives. In the interval between these two wars, 20th Oct., 1548, Antoine married at Moulins Jeanne d'Albret, daughter and heiress of Henri d'Albret, king of Navarre, by his wife Marguerite, sister of François I. of France. This marriage had been planned by François I., but was not solemnised until after his death, through the reluctance of Henri d'Albret and his queen, who had hopes that Jeanne would be married to Philip, son of Charles V. (afterwards Philip II. of Spain), in which case they expected to recover the Spanish portion of their hereditary kingdom of Navarre, which had been seized several years before by Ferdinand of Spain. It was only by the authority of Henri II. of France, that the match between Antoine and Jeanne was at last brought about. The queen of Navarre signed the marriage-contract with tears. Henri d'Albret did not fail to rebuke his sonin-law for maintaining so large and costly a retinue; and going to his apartments the morning after the marriage, dismissed the greater part of the officers of his household, whom, however, Antoine took an early opportunity of recalling after his return to the north of France. In A. D. 1551 he was sponsor to one of the children of the king of France, prince Henri, afterwards Henri III.; and in A. D. 1553, his own son, afterwards Henri IV. of France, was born at the castle of Pau, in Béarn. On the death of Henri d'Albret, Antoine succeeded him in his hereditary dominions, comprehending the French part of the kingdom of Navarre, the principality of Béarn, the duchy of Albret, the counties of Foix, Bigorre, Armagnac, Rodez, and Périgord, and the viscounty of Limoges. He received also of the king the government of Guienne, extending at that time from the Pyrenees to the Loire, which Henri d'Albret had held, and for which he gave up that of Picardy, which was bestowed on Admiral Coligni. In bestowing the government of Guienne, Henri had it in view to induce Antoine to exchange his extensive domains on the Spanish frontier for other lands in the interior of the kingdom; but Antoine adroitly replied, that as he held his dominions in right of his wife, he could not alienate them without her consent. Jeanne being sent for to the court, and applied to, dissembled her reluctance to the proposal until she had obtained leave to quit the court with her husband, that they might confer with their subjects, and arrange for releasing them from their oath of fidelity. No sooner had they returned to their own territories, than they convoked the states of Béarn, and submitted the proposal to them; and availing themselves of the zeal with which it was opposed, informed the king of France that they would not consent to the proposed exchange. Apprehending that the king's anger would lead to hostilities, they began immediately to fortify their strongholds, Pau, Oléron, Navarreins, and other places. Henri II. was too much occupied with the Spanish war to take any violent measures; but in the peace of Le Câteau Cambrésis, A. D. 1559, the interests of Antoine were overlooked, and during the remainder of Henri's reign, he was without influence at court. Besides this Languedoc, which had been previously included in the government of Guienne, was dismembered from it, and given to the constable Montmorenci. It was probably at this time that Antoine showed his inclination to the Reformed religion, without, however, altogether abandoning the Roman Catholic observances. During his visit to Paris in 1558, on occasion of the marriage of the Dauphin (afterwards François II.) with Mary of Scotland, he and his wife, with the Prince of Condé his brother [CONDÉ, LOUIS, PRINCE OF], and the Princess of Condé, attended the secret meetings of the Reformed for worship, and encouraged their ministers to renewed exertions. It was probably on this occasion that Antoine brought with him to court, David, a Calvinist minister of some note; a step which increased the displeasure entertained towards him by the king of France. Jeanne d'Albret did not enter so zealously into the cause of the Reformers as her husband. She was young, handsome, and, according to Brantôme, "liked a dance as well as a sermon :" and she told her husband plainly, that if he chose to ruin himself and incur the confiscation of his dominions by these novelties, she had no intention of doing so. This is more remarkable, as Jeanne in the sequel showed herself a zealous partisan of the Reformation, while Antoine returned to the communion of the Roman Catholic church. During the negotiations which preceded the peace of Le Câteau, Antoine, apprehensive that his interests would be disregarded, determined to make an effort to recover possession of Spanish Navarre by arms, and raised troops for the purpose; but the copious rains of the spring of 1559 ruined all his plans. It was probably at this time that he formed an alliance with the king of Fez, whom he engaged to aid in the recovery of Granada, on receiving similar assistance in the recovery of Navarre. When Henri II. received his deathwound in a tournament (1559), the constable Montmorenci sent immediate intelligence to Antoine, requesting him to hasten to court, that, in the event of the king's death, he might take the administration of public affairs. Antoine, however, being angry with Montmorenci, who had directed the negotiations of Le Câteau, instead of proceeding imme |