but in the very words of whole paragraphs. | In short there is gross plagiarism; and of course Apsines was the plunderer. The shameless prevalence of such literary thefts among the Greek rhetoricians of the empire is hardly sufficient as an excuse for the offence. The two extant works attributed to Apsines are, 1. Téxνn Pηтopiń, or an "Art of Rhetoric," (otherwise entitled somewhat more aptly, "A Treatise on Procemia "). 2. A treatise Περὶ ἐσχηματισμένων Προβλημάτων, that is, on the "Figuratæ Quæstiones," or propositions maintained figuratively, a topic out of which the later rhetoricians constructed one of the most complicated and artificial divisions in their system.

The manuscripts from which these treatises have been published are more hopelessly corrupt than those of any other works belonging to the same class: they not only present numerous gaps, but they abound also in perplexing repetitions and contradictions, evidently arising from interpolation, a scholiast's remarks being often incorporated with the original text. But in the second of the works there is believed to exist an interpolation greatly more extensive and interesting. Ruhnken, in studying the Greek rhetoricians for his edition of Rutilius Lupus, found that two of the scholiasts on Hermogenes cite, as from Longinus, a passage which stands in all the manuscripts as part of the treatise of Apsines Περὶ Προβλημάτων. Following the clue thus presented, the sagacious philologer was able to convince himself that a considerable portion of the matter given to Apsines by the manuscripts really belongs to another work, that it must have been written by another author, and that it forms a part of the section on Invention in the lost work of Longinus on the Art of Rhetoric. The bold conjecture was cordially approved by Hemsterhusius, and afterwards by Wolf; and it has since been keenly canvassed by the critics who have handled this part of Grecian literary history. It appears to be generally admitted that in the manuscripts of the treatise of Apsines there exists a considerable portion which does not properly belong to it; but upon all other points in the controversy opinions differ widely; and the corruption of the text, combined with the desultory nature of the work, makes it nearly impossible to attain to positive conclusions. In the first place, no two critics are exactly agreed on the question, how much of the matter which the manuscripts attribute to Apsines should be excluded from his treatise. Ruhnken, as we learn from a communication by his friend Wyttenbach, given in the preface to Weiske's Longinus, proposed to take away from Apsines four long sections (in Walz's Rhetores Græci, ix. 550, Пepl 'Exéov,-578, Ouk p' iv); Weiske, making up his opinion in ignorance of the limits assigned by Ruhnken, gives to Longinus no more than a part of one

section (Walz, ix. 557, Ovk éλáxiσtov, — 567, 'Аретy прÉπоνтα); Walz, going far beyond Ruhnken, assigns to Longinus the whole treatise except the first nine pages of his own edition (ix. 543-596); and Finckh, in an appendix to Walz, proposes to give to him somewhat less than Ruhnken, or three sec. tions and a small part at the end of a fourth (Walz, ix. 552, Kal xúpia,—578, Оvê ¿p' ημîv). Again, it has been doubted whether even the part which does not belong to Apsines, ought to be assigned to Longinus; a problem which the state of the text makes as difficult of solution as the other. But though it is impossible to conjecture, in any part, what may have been the original aspect of the work of Longinus, yet there seems to be no solid reason for questioning the fact that some portion of his work has really found its way into that of Apsines. The dissimilarity which Weiske has so justly remarked as existing, both in thought and in style, between the interpolated passages and the treatise on the Sublime, furnishes no argument against referring those passages to Longinus. It raises only a new argument against the supposition that the treatise on the Sublime was written by him.

The only complete editions of the two treatises attributed to Apsines are those of the Aldine" Rhetores Græci," 1508, fol., and of Walz's "Rhetores Græci," 1832-36, 8vo. ix. 467-596. One section, "On Memory," which all the critics except Weiske now refer to Longinus, was published by Morell, with a Latin translation, at Paris, in 1618; and Weiske gives as his eighth Fragment the passage which he considers to have been composed by his author. (Suidas, sub voc.

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Apsines," with Kuster's note; Philostratus, Vita Sophistarum, lib. ii. cap. 33. ed. Olearii, ii. 628.; Wyttenbach, Vita Ruhnkenii, ed. 1790, p. 127.; Weiske, Dionysii Longini quæ supersunt, Oxford, 1820, p. vii.-x.; Walz, Rhetores Græci, ix. Prolegomena; Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland und Rom, 1833-36, i. 231, 232.; Fabricius, Bibliotheca Græca, ed. Harles, vi. 106.; British Critic, first series, xxvii. 573576.)

W. S.

A'PSINES ('Avívns). It may be useful to name one other of those who bore this name. This Apsines had for his grandfather a namesake of his own, who is described as the rhetorician Apsines of Athens: for his father he had Onasimus, an historian and rhetorical teacher, who lived in the time of the emperor Constantine, and is said by Suidas to have been either a Cypriote or a Spartan. The latter specification of his father's birth-place gives to the younger Apsines of the two an importance somewhat greater than that which belongs to either of his immediate ancestors. For it has hence been conjectured, by Fabricius and others, that he may have been the same Apsines who is cited by Ulpian in the scho

lia to the Oration of Demosthenes against Leptines; and who is named also by Eunapius as having caused disturbances at Athens, while teaching eloquence there in opposition to the Sophist Julianus. The date assigned to this event would coincide with that which should belong to the son of Onasimus; and it would agree likewise with the assertion of Suidas, that this Apsines was more modern than Apsines of Gadara. Eunapius indeed calls his Apsines a Lacedæmonian, which appears to some critics to indicate a different person from the grandson of Apsines the Athenian; but others think, with more plausibility, that the description may apply correctly to one whose father was perhaps a Spartan. (Suidas, Lexicon, sub voc. 'Avívns, 'Ováo uos; Eunapius, Vita Philosophorum et Sophistarum, "Julianus," p. 113-122., ed. 1568; Fabricius, Bibliotheca Græca., ed. Harles, vi. 107.; Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit, i. 225. 238.) W. S.

APSLEY, SIR ALLEN, was born, according to his sister, Mrs. Hutchinson, a year before their father, also named Sir Allen Apsley, was made lieutenant of the Tower, an office which he held, according to the inscription on his monument in the Tower chapel, for the fourteen years previous to his death in 1630. These circumstances fix the date of the birth of the second Sir Allen in 1615 instead of 1619, which has been sometimes mentioned. His father, who had been a victualler in the navy, an office at that time of more estimation than afterwards, obtained a beautiful lady of the house of St. John in Wilts, the second Sir Allen's mother, for his third wife, when he was at the age of fortyeight and she of sixteen. In his office of lieutenant of the Tower he was, according to his daughter, Mrs. Hutchinson's, report, "a father to all his prisoners, sweetening with such compassionate kindnesse their restraint, that the affliction of a prison was not felt in his dayes." The second Sir Allen was educated at Trinity College, Oxford, and on the breaking out of the civil wars joined the royal party. He was governor of the fort at Exeter when that city yielded to the parliament in April 1646, and afterwards governor of Barnstaple before that town surrendered. After the Restoration he was captain-lieutenant in the regiment of James, Duke of York, and also treasurer of the household and receiver-general to the duke. He was member for Thetford in Norfolk, in the parliament which begun in May, 1661. During the time of the ascendency of the Commonwealth he enjoyed the protection of Colonel Hutchinson, the husband of his youngest sister, a distinguished member of the parliamentarian party, and after the Restoration he repaid the favour by his efforts in behalf of the colonel, whose life he succeeded in preserving. The particulars of this manly friendship kept up between conscien

tious members of opposite parties during the fury of a civil war, form one of the most interesting portions of the "Life of Colonel Hutchinson," by his wife, one of the standard works of English literature. Sir Allen Apsley died, according to Wood, "in St. James's Square, near London," about the 15th of October, 1683.

Sir Allen was the author of a poem entitled "Order and Disorder, or the World made and undone: being Meditations upon the Creation and the Fall, as it is recorded in the beginning of Genesis," London, 1679, 4to. It consists of five cantos. (Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, Bliss's edition, ii. 272.; Mrs. Hutchinson, Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson; Britton and Brayley, Memoirs of the Tower of London, p. 306.) T. W.

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APSYRTUS or ABSYRTUS ('Ayuρтos), the most celebrated of the ancient veterinary surgeons, was born in Bithynia, either at Prusa or Nicomedia. Suidas and Eudocia say that he served under Constantine during his campaign on the Danube, and he himself mentions at the beginning of his work that it was on this occasion that he had an opportunity of studying the diseases of horses. It is not specified which emperor of the name of Constantine is meant, but it is generally supposed that the campaign of Constantine the Great, A. D. 322, is alluded to. Sprengel in his "History of Medicine," and also in his account of Apsyrtus in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopädie," supposes that the campaign under Constantine IV., or Pogonatus, A. D. 671, is meant; but, as Apsyrtus is quoted by Vegetius (who lived probably in the fourth or fifth century after Christ), this cannot be the case; and Choulant mentions that Sprengel himself in a later work (which the writer has not seen), confessed that he had placed the date of Apsyrtus too late. No other particulars are known of his life, but he wrote several works, one of which treated of the diseases of horses, Ιππιατρικὸν Βίβλιον, and another was probably a zoological treatise (Φυσικὸν περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν Αλόγων) in four books. Of these only some extracts are extant, contained in the Greek collection of writers on veterinary surgery, formed at the command of the Emperor Constantine VII., or Porphyrogenitus, A. D. 945-959. This collection was first published in Latin at Paris, 1530, fol., translated by Johannes Ruellius; the Greek text was published at Basel, 1537, 4to., edited by Simon Grynæus, and is said to be scarce. It has also been translated into several modern languages, and was published in Italian at Venice, 1543, 1548, and 1559, 8vo. ; in French at Paris, 1563, 4to.; and in German at Eger, 1571, fol. An account of some of the diseases mentioned by Apsyrtus is given by Haller and Sprengel; of these perhaps the most remarkable is glanders, which Lafosse and others have supposed to be a comparatively modern disease, but

W. A. G. APTHORP, EAST, D. D., an eminent divine, was born at Boston in New England, in the year 1733. His father was a merchant. He was sent to England to complete his studies, and entered as a student of Jesus College, Cambridge, where he obtained one of the chancellor's prize medals for classical learning in 1755, and the members' Latin dissertation prize, as middle bachelor in 1756, and as senior bachelor in 1757. He took his degree of A. M. in 1758, and was elected a fellow of his college. In the year 1761, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts appointed him missionary at Cambridge in Massachusetts, where he founded and built a church, called Christ Church. He does not appear however to have remained here more than three years; the opposition he met with from the congregationists in America inducing or compelling him to quit his church, and he returned to England. Under the sanction of Archbishop Secker, he entered into a controversy with Dr. Mayhew, an American clergyman, upon the subject of sending bishops to that country. He had previously, while at Cambridge published several tracts against the independent sectaries of Boston. In 1765 he was collated by the archbishop to the vicarage of Croydon, and in 1770 he accepted the office of civic chaplain, on the election of his brother-in-law, Mr. Alderman Trecothick, to the mayoralty of London. In this year he published "Conspectus novæ Editionis Historicorum veterum Latinorum qui extant omnium, ita disponendæ, ut, pro Ordine Temporum et Rerum Serie, integrum Corpus componat Historiæ sacræ et orientalis, fabulosæ et heroicæ, Græcæ et Romanæ, ab Orbe condito ad Excidium Imperii Occidentalis et Initia Regni Italici : Cum singulorum Scriptorum Historia literaria, et Annotationibus philologicis Anglice conscriptis: adjectis Nummis, Tabulisque chronologicis et geographicis." London, 4to. This scheme, however, not meeting with sufficient encouragement was abandoned.

In 1778 he published four letters against Gibbon,-1. A view of the Controversy concerning the truth of the Christian Religion. Origin of Deism. 2. On the study of History; containing a methodised catalogue of Historians. 3. Characteristics of the past and present Times. 4. Establishment of Paganism; all of which appeared under the title "Letters on the Prevalence of Christianity before its civil Establishment; with

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of the Roman Empire;" dedicated to Archdeacon Backhouse, and, as it is said, written at his desire. This work was received with the warmest commendations, and was eulogised even by Gibbon himself, who at p. 92 of his Vindication," published in 1779, says, "When Mr. Apthorp's letters appeared I was surprised to find that I had scarcely any interest or concern in their contents. They are filled with general observations on the study of history, with a large and useful catalogue of historians, and with a variety of reflections, moral and religious, all preparatory to the direct and formal consideration of my two last chapters; which Mr. Apthorp seems to reserve for the subject of a second volume. I sincerely respect the learning, the piety, and the candour of this gentleman, and must consider it as a mark of his esteem that he has thought proper to begin his approaches at so great a distance from the fortifications which he designed to attack."

Soon after this publication Archbishop Cornwallis conferred upon him the degree of D.D., and collated him to the rectory of St. Mary-le-Bow, London, and the rectories of St. Pancras Soper-lane, and All-Hallows Honey-lane annexed, and appointed him to preach the Boyle Lecture. Gibbon, in allusion to this new church preferment, says in his Memoirs, p. 231, "I enjoyed the pleasure of collating Dr. Apthorp to an archiepiscopal living," insinuating that it was conferred upon the doctor as a reward for the attack upon himself. In 1790 he was collated to a prebend in the cathedral of St. Paul, and had the offer of the bishopric of Kildare, but was advised, on account of his health, to decline it; and in 1793, on the death of Bishop Wilson, he obtained from Dr. Porteus, bishop of London, the rich prebend of Finsbury, for which, by command of the archbishop, he resigned all his other preferments. After this he retired to Cambridge, where he continued to reside until his death, which took place in 1816. His remains were deposited in Jesus College Chapel. He was twice married.

Dr. Apthorp was a man of great talents, extensive learning, and pure and engaging manners. He had so completely conciliated the esteem of his parishioners of Croydon, that after the loss of his sight, an affliction which befel him about the year 1790, they made him a present of nearly two thousand pounds.

In addition to the works mentioned above, Dr. Apthorp published-1. "A Sermon at the opening of Christ Church, in Cambridge, New England," Boston, 1761, 4to. 2. "A Thanksgiving Sermon for the General Peace," Boston, 1763, 4to. 3. "A Discourse on the Death of Mrs. A. Wheelwright," Boston, 1764, 4to., in two parts. 4. "A Discourse

of Sacred Poetry and Music at Christ Church, on the opening of the Organ," Boston, 1764, 4to. This organ was destroyed when the church was occupied by the provincial army in 1775. 5. "An answer to Dr. Mayhew's Observations on the Character and the Conduct of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign parts," London, 1764, 8vo. 6. "A Review of Dr. Mayhew's Remarks on the Answer to the Observations," &c., London, 1765, 8vo. 7. "A Sermon on the General Fast, December 13, 1776. On Occasion of the Differences between this Country and her American Colonies," London, 1776, 8vo. 8. "A Sermon preached at the Consecration of Dr. S. Hallifax, Lord Bishop of Gloucester," 1781. 9. "Select Devotions for Families," London, 1785, 12mo. 10. "Discourses on Prophecy," 2 vols., London, 1786, 8vo. "A Sermon on the Excellence of the Liturgy of the Church of England," London, 1778, 8vo. He also printed Sermons preached before the Lord Mayor, &c., in 1770 and 1780. (Gentleman's Magazine, lxxxvi. 476.; Allen, American Biographical Dictionary; Biographical Dictionary of the Living Authors of Great Britain and Ireland; Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum, vol. v., 1841.) J. W. J.

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11.

APULE'IUS or APPULE'IUS, as the name is written according to the best authorities. The few particulars of the life of Apuleius are mainly known from his own writings. He lived in the second century of our æra under the Antonines, for in his Apology," he speaks of Hadrian as the Divus Hadrianus, an expression which implies that Hadrian was dead when the "Apology" was written; and he speaks of Antoninus Pius in terms which imply that Antoninus was then living. He also mentions Lollius Urbicus, Lollianus Avitus, and others who lived in the time of Antoninus Pius. He was a native of Madaura, whence he is called Madaurensis, an inland town on the borders of Numidia and Gætulia, which once belonged to the kingdom of Syphax, then to that of Massinissa, and subsequently was colonised by a body of Roman soldiers. His father held the office of Duumvir, which was the highest magistracy in a Roman colony, and the son was also a member of the senate or body of Decuriones; but Apuleius himself, though celebrated for his acquirements and eloquence, never held any judicial office in his native town, according to St. Augustine. Bayle cannot reconcile this statement of Augustine with the assertion of Apuleius, who says in his " Apology" that he filled his father's place with equal honour and repute, as he hoped; but Apuleius is referring to his being one of the Decuriones, or members of the colonial senate, and not to the office of Duumvir, which was annual, and for which it was a necessary qualification that a man should be a Decurio.

He

succeeded his father as Decurio, according to the general rule of law in that matter (Dig. 50. tit. 2. De Decurionibus et Filiis eorum). His father left to Apuleius and his brother a considerable fortune. Apuleius had a handsome person, and great natural talents. His first school was Carthage, whence he went to Athens, where he prosecuted his studies. A taste for mystical, or as Apuleius would call them, philosophical inquiries, led him to make extensive travels, during which he was initiated in the mysteries of various religious bodies.

The chief event in the life of Apuleius is his marriage. He had returned to Africa, and was on his road to Alexandria, when he was detained at Oea, a maritime city of the province (the modern Tripoli), where a rich widow, Pudentilla by name, invited him to become her husband. Apuleius, though much younger than the widow, consented, and the marriage was celebrated in the country near Oea. Pudentilla had two sons, and their friends pretended that the mother had been entrapped into this marriage by magical arts, to the great detriment of her children, though Sicinius Pontianus, the elder of the widow's two sons, had strongly urged the marriage. Apuleius was accused before Claudius Maximus, the proconsul of Africa, and it was on this occasion that he pronounced his "Apology," which is extant, and is the best specimen of his Latin style. The accuser alleged, among other things, that the woman was sixty years of age, which he urged as evidence that the marriage could not have been brought about by the natural passion of love. Apuleius shows that the widow was not more than forty, that she had been near fourteen years in a state of widowhood, of which she was heartily tired, and that her physician recommended a second marriage. The "Apology" contains much curious matter, and is a composition of considerable merit.

Apuleius obtained a high reputation for eloquence among the Africans. On the people of Oea proposing to raise a statue to the honour of this eloquent philosopher, Apuleius spoke against those who opposed the proposition. The city of Carthage also honoured him with a statue, and he received similar testimonials of respect from other places. The time and circumstances of the death of Apuleius are unknown.

Other particulars as to the life of Apuleius, derived from his "Golden Ass," are the following. His father's name was Theseus ; his mother's name was Salvia, and she was a descendant of Plutarch. The same work is also the authority for giving to Apuleius the prænomen of Lucius. We further learn from the same authority, that when he visited Rome, he was ignorant of the Latin language, and that he learned it without a master; and that he was reduced to such poverty as to be obliged to pawn his clothes in order to raise

money to pay the fees demanded on his initiation into the mysteries of Osiris: he afterwards practised at Rome as an advocate, and as he was eloquent and successful, he made money by his new profession. The objection that the "Ass" being a work of fiction, cannot be supposed to furnish any authentic materials for the life of Apuleius, is not decisive against the facts just stated; but there are other and solid reasons against receiving them as part of his biography. In the first place, Theseus is a suspicious name for his father, who was Duumvir in a Roman colony; in the second, it is absurd to suppose that the son of a Duumvir in a Roman colony did not know Latin; and still more absurd to suppose that a person who learned Latin at Rome as a foreign language, after he had attained to years of maturity, could ever have become a successful advocate. Apuleius writes Latin like a man who is using his native language, and the fact of his being familiar, to a certain extent, with legal phraseology, is in favour of his having been familiar with the Latin language and public business in his native town of Madaura. As a member of the senate of Madaura, it is impossible to admit that he was ignorant of Latin. It is true we do not know when he was admitted into the senate, but the supposition of a Duumvir's son, himself destined to be a Decurio, and consequently qualified to fill the highest offices in the colony, having first learned Latin at Rome, cannot be admitted. In his "Apology" he plainly speaks of himself as a Latin, as contrasted with a Greek, which is inconsistent with the opinion of his not learning the language as a boy. It is no objection to this that Latin might not be the common language of Madaura, as Bayle, in his article on Apuleius, attempts to show that it was not. According to this argument, Apuleius must either have spoken only Greek as a boy, or Greek and the Punic language.

The ex

That Apuleius was a most diligent student we know from his own testimony. tent and variety of his learning are expressed in a passage in his "Florida," in which he enumerates among his studies, grammar and rhetoric, to which he added at Athens, poetry, geometry, music, dialectic, and philosophy. Of the Latin writers who may be classed among the Platonists, he is the most distinguished, and he was well versed in all the learning of his time.

Besides his "Apology" already mentioned, there are extant of his numerous writings, his "Metamorphosis," more commonly called the "Golden Ass," in eleven books; the treatises on the "Doctrines of Plato," in three books; his treatise on the "God of Socrates," the "Florida," and the treatise "De Mundo."

The "Metamorphosis" is generally said to be founded on the "Ass" of Lucian, who was

VOL. III.

the contemporary of Apuleius; but this is not probable. Another hypothesis is that the work of one Lucius of Patræ, a writer of uncertain age, is the groundwork of the "Ass" of Apuleius. The fable of Cupid and Psyche, in the fourth, fifth, and sixth books, and the account of the initiation into the mysteries of Osiris and Isis in the eleventh, cannot be referred to any known source, unless the fable of Cupid and Psyche is borrowed from Aristophontes, an Athenian writer, to whom Fabius Planciades Fulgentius in his work intitled "Mythologica" ascribes a very long story about Cupid and Psyche. The design of this singular fable or romance has been variously understood. Warburton says that the object was to commend the Pagan religion as the only cure for vice, and to ridicule the Christian religion. But though there may be some truth in the first part of this theory, the second seems to be untenable, as Taylor shows: latent or concealed ridicule of a religion which Apuleius might have ridiculed openly as much as he pleased, could hardly be one of the objects of the author of the “ Metamorphosis"; and the ridicule indeed is so well concealed that it is difficult to discover it. "It is most probable," according to Taylor, "that the intention of the author in this work was to show that the man who gives himself up to a voluptuous life becomes a beast, and that it is only by becoming virtuous and religious, that he can divest himself of the brutal nature and be again a man. For this is the rose by eating which Apuleius was restored to the human and cast off the brutal form; and like the moly of Hermes, preserved him in future from the dire enchantments of Circe, the goddess of sense. This, as it appears to me, is the only design by which our author can be justified in composing the pleasing tales with which this work is replete. Indeed, unless this is admitted to have been the design of Apuleius, he cannot, in certain passages, be defended from the charge of lewdness; but on the supposition that these tales were devised to show the folly and danger of lasciviousness, and that the man who indulges in it brutalises his nature, the details of those circumstances through which he became an ass are not to be considered in the light of a lascivious description, because they were not written with a libidinous intention; for every work is characterised by its ultimate design." Bayle observes that we may "take this book for a continual satire on the irregularities of magicians, priests, debauchees, and robbers ;" and he adds truly, that a man who would take the trouble, and had the requisite ability, (and that would be very considerable) might make a very curious and instructive commentary on the "Golden Ass," which would contain a great deal that the commentators have not said. The reason of the treatise being called the “Golden Ass" is not quite

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