CORRECTIONS,

P. 51. The reference to the first note should be p. 9. P. 83, l. 17.-For Catholic emancipation read Catholic communion.

P. 88, 1. 3.—I should have also referred to the Bishop of Norwich's Speech in the House of Lords, in 1811, on the Catholic Question.

Ibid. 1. 17.—In speaking of an Hon. Baronet, I have made use of an expression, which, on referring to Betham's Baronetage, I find is not strictly correct, and for which, as it may possibly lead to error, if unexplained, I must beg to apologise to the Hon. Baronet to whom I have applied it. Although Sir J. C. Hippisley's diplomatic services on the Continent were recognised by Government as eminently beneficial to the state, it does not appear that he was a regularly accredited minister. Still he seems to have acted under the authority of Government on various and important occasions.-See Betham's Baronetage, p. 332— 361, with the Notes. Sir John is a Bencher of the Inner Temple, and was appointed, with the Duke of Portland, Lord Grenville, and Mr. Pitt, one of the Trustees of the Marriage Settlement of the Princess Royal.

I must beg the indulgence of my readers for errata which may have escaped my observation.

any other

A SERMON, &c.

GAL. V. 1.

Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made as free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage.

THE desire of liberty may be classed. amongst the most natural and powerful passions of the human heart. Even in infancy the germ of this passion is developed -among the earliest operations of the human.

will; and controuled as it may be by ex*ternal or fortuitous causes, the workings of it may be traced in every state of society, -and through every period of our existence. It is often found in generous minds to be stronger than the love of power, of pleasure, or life itself. Our ideas of all that can exalt and ennoble the nature of man are intimately combined with the possession of it; and B with

with the want of it we associate all that is mean and abject, all that repels confidence and excludes admiration. Its political effects are visible in the moral and intellectual superiority of those nations where it is most carefully preserved, and most generally diffused. It produces conscious ease and security, relieves the mind from every sordid care and every debasing fear, and thus leaves it without obstruction to pursue those enquiries, and accumulate those improvements which are most worthy of an immortal nature. Hence it cherishes the growth of knowledge, of taste, of virtue, and of humanity; while on the other hand there is always a secret, frequently an apparent, and sometimes, it may be, an avowed connection between barbarism and despotic power. And if this be true in our moral and political relations, well does it become us to consider the influence which right views of liberty may have upon our opinions and conduct in the momentous concerns of religion.

St.