ciple of Legitimacy that had actuated Ferdinand of Naples caused this king likewise to abdicate. His son, who was a member of the revolutionary society, was meanwhile appointed regent, the brother upon whom the crown devolved being at some distance. The Prince of Carignano, however, was vain, fickle, and treacherous. He marched to the frontiers, but, instead of engaging the Austrians, he invited them to invade his country and to effect a counter-revolution. The result was that the successor to the throne was established thereon by the intervention of the troops of the Holy Alliance, the patriots retreating to Genoa, from whence they expatriated themselves. Thus the aspirations of the populations of Italy after the liberty and the unity of their country proved, in their first attempts at realisation, abortive. The nearness of the prize for which they had risked so much, however, induced them, notwithstanding the melancholy fate of their most illustrious leaders, to maintain the hope of its eventual acquisition.

A year or two after the collapse of these revolutionary movements, Joseph Mazzini, a young man of eighteen, took the oath of the order of the Carbonari in a garret of a house in Genoa. Shortly afterwards he became suspected by the government, and, without anything being laid to his charge, he was imprisoned for six months in the fortress of Savona. On his release he was ordered to leave Italy. Having taken up his residence in Marseilles, he united himself with others in the same situation, and originated a new society upon improved principles, which he named Young Italy.' From his new position as a centre he strove to reinspire his countrymen with the same ideas as had formerly been cultivated by the various associations, of which that of the Carbonari was the principal one. But, in addition, he promulgated the belief in a law of progress and duty, and in the conception of a United Italy, established

under a republican government. He printed and distributed his views in a journal which was produced by the united gratuitous labours of a small colony of exiles. By means of sailors and private individuals favourable to the new society, the journal was conveyed into Italy in a clandestine manner, where its sale provided funds which assisted in printing the succeeding copies. The new association spread rapidly throughout the country, especially in Lombardy, Tuscany, and the Papal States. Private presses were employed in some of the cities to reproduce the journal, and print other matters for the service of the society. It is said that in twelve months from its origination the new association became the dominant one throughout Italy. But, while Mazzini and his compatriots were thus engaged, the attention of the French government was drawn upon them, and sentence of expulsion from France was pronounced. The work, however, necessitated the continued presence of the head of the society in Marseilles, which was in every way the most excellent situation for the seat of the apostolate.

It was therefore at perpetual imminent risk of discovery that Mazzini continued for more than a year busily employed, confined all the time within the same small room, editing and superintending the printing of the journal, and managing the other details of the society. At length, it being impossible to defeat the efforts of the police longer, Mazzini removed to Geneva, from which city he continued to inspire the members, and to organise and regulate the efforts of those of them who were from time to time bound together for common enterprises. Through the indiscretions of some, and the treachery of others, the police of Piedmont discovered the names of several of the members, who were immediately imprisoned in large numbers. Many of

them were executed; others were compelled to leave the country, among the latter being Garibaldi.

An expedition, under the guidance of Ramorino, a general who had distinguished himself in the last Polish insurrection, proved abortive on account of his treachery. At this time Mazzini's labours in the cause of his country were incessant. The governments of Austria, Russia, and Prussia complained to the federal government of Switzerland because of the asylum which they afforded to one whom they regarded as an arch-plotter, and the result was an order from the Swiss government for him to quit the country. Having no other place of retreat more promising, he betook himself to London, where occasionally pawning his articles of clothing, and sometimes, when better off, distributing them among his fellow exiles, if anything worse off than himself, he persevered heroically in the prosecution of the object of his life.

A new attempt to attack the position of Legitimacy in Italy was prepared in 1846, and matured into action two years later. Nothing but the view of imminent. danger to the thrones of kings and princes appears to have any effect in inducing them to relax the hardness of despotic rule. On this occasion, after much excitement manifested throughout Italy, in which the popular force was ostensibly encroaching in various States upon the hereditary prerogatives of the Crown, the instinct of self-preservation dictated to the rulers the necessity for granting various privileges. In some of the northern States, however, the Austrian troops, being not far distant, were called in as the least of two evils, and the rights of Legitimacy were saved at the expense of an occupation. This measure, which was carried out in the summer of 1847, served only to increase the popular excitement over the remainder of Italy. The King of the Sicilies and the Grand Duke of Tuscany granted a

constitution, and the Pope took the matter of representative government into consideration. In this state of affairs the French revolution of 1848 cast its influence suddenly into the popular scale. The Pope quickly called into council a body of laymen. Venice was evacuated by Austrian soldiers, and it appointed a provisional government of its own. Milan ran the same course, and the most part of the intervening country was in the hands of the insurgents. Contingent on this condition of affairs in Lombardy, Piedmont broke with Austria; but the war which followed, being conducted by the Piedmontese army for the most part, was trammelled by the selfish policy of Charles Albert, the King of Piedmont.

Mazzini, then at Milan, impressed on the provisional government there the necessity of acting only with volunteer forces, who would be commanded by experienced officers, political exiles from other countries. This wise advice was ignored, and the result was that the lively spirit of patriotism which abounded everywhere was curbed, checked, and defeated in its contest with Austria from its association with the forces of the king. The same error took place in the south of Italy. The Neapolitan army was restrained in its action by its reluctant king and the collusion of the Pope, through whose dominions it had to pass. The discovery of the king's treachery caused a tumult in which the popular cause was defeated through the organisation of the Swiss Guards, and this afforded a pretext for the giving over the property of the liberals to pillage.

Notwithstanding, therefore, the numbers of volunteers who attacked the Austrians, and the success of their measures, the complete failure of the various armies of Italy to fulfil the trust placed in their cooperation caused the war to terminate ingloriously.

Shortly after this the Pope, being hard pressed, fled to Gaeta, from which retreat he launched his thunders against the revolution. Garibaldi now reached Rome with a few thousand volunteers, and, a republican government being instituted, the constituent assembly voted almost unanimously for its confirmation, and for the extinction of the sovereign power of the Pope. No dissentient voice came from the municipalities of the provinces; all was accord in favour of the new condition of things.

In other parts of Italy the progress of events was chequered. In Genoa the popular party was triumphant. In Brescia the insurrection was suppressed after the partial destruction of the city by bombardment. In Venice the defence was still actively maintained. During the months of April and May, however, the Austrian armies had subjugated Lombardy, occupied Piedmont, and entered Tuscany and the Romagna, so that Rome and Venice alone remained in the hands of the people. In Rome the triumvirs, with Mazzini at their head, governed with a success that had never before been known, while admitting at the same time a liberty that had never before been experienced.

The French now came to the assistance of the Austrians. They entered Rome upon July 3, when Mazzini and Garibaldi immediately fled. Venice also had capitulated, and the efforts of the popular forces throughout Italy in the cause of freedom and unity were frustrated. Schemes of revolt were thereafter perennially planned, but their execution was as continually marred. In 1859 Napoleon III., as the ally of Victor Emmanuel, assisted in driving the Austrians from Lombardy, and that province was united to Piedmont, in exchange for which service Savoy and Nice were added to France. This programme of acquiring Lombardy was the old one of Charles Albert, not the fulfilment of any aspiration of