aora nuevamente Añadida y aumentada por otro monge, de la misma Cartuxa. Zaragoza, 1679. By Padre D. Miguel de Dicastilio." "We see by the dedication, and by Latassa, in his Bibliotheca, vol. iv. page 185, that additions were made to the work by Father Augustin Nagore, a monk who, not satisfied with the poetical praises bestowed on him by others, has eulogized himself under fictitious names in two sonnets, two octaves, and a romance, which are at the beginning of this work. From these five pieces of poetry we discover, that the reverend father did not quite utter the sentiments of his heart, when he spoke and wrote in praise of solitude and a monastic life; but that his mind was often filled with less elevated ideas. Uniting the first letters of each line in the above mentioned poems, we find in the first sonnet, Augustin, Fausta; in the octaves, Mi Augustin, tu Fausta; in the romance, Fausta y Augustin son una alma sola en dos cuerpos; and, in the last sonnet, Mi esposa Fausta. I do not know if these acrostics have been already observed. Although these remarks are of no importance whatever to bibliography, they serve to unveil the hypocrisy, artifice, and villany of men who, under the cloak of austerity and sanctity, have affected to be exempt from the passions and weaknesses of human nature; and have brought innumerable evils upon the world, by means of the ignorance, superstition, and fanaticism, which they have disseminated amongst their fellow-creatures *." We give one specimen of the gallant father's ingenuity: Es la que se deserive con acierto Trompeta es il callar contra los vicios, Armas los miembros, tiros los acciones." It is obvious that, if open violation of all the rules by which these men professed to be governed had not been so common as to attract little or no animadversion, Father Augustin would hardly have ventured to trust the secret of his passion to an acrostic. Proofs of the most undisguised and brutal profligacy might be adduced to nausea. But the investigation is odious * Catalogue of Spanish and Portuguese books, p. 83. By Vincent Salvà. 1826. and useless, except to show, that wherever there is a class of men, who have availed themselves of the religious sanction with such success, as to make themselves absolute masters of public opinion, public morals are at their mercy; and, consequently, must, in time, fall before the resistless temptations which such a power affords. It is thus, that societies, whose founders acquired influence by the purity and sanctity of their lives, come in time to use that influence to the destruction of every thing that can stand in the way of their immediate interest or gratifi cation. Another work, from which we could draw abundance of useful illustrations of the peculiar aptitude of the Roman Catholic religion for the purposes of ambition, is the history of the curious intrigue, got up during the long troubles preceding the death of Charles II. of Spain, to prove that that feeble and unhappy monarch was under the influence of witchcraft*. The interrogations put to the devil, supposed to be in the body of the king, by this confessor, who acted the part of principal juggler, together with the corresponding replies, are quite worthy of translation; but we have no room for them here. It must be particularly observed, that this was a formal proceeding, to which the highest personages in Spain, and many other countries, were parties, at the end of the seventeenth century, ten years after the English had placed William of Orange on the throne. Few, we think, will be found to maintain that, in any non-catholic country, a farce, at once so ludicrous and so blasphemous, could have been acted in 1698. * Diaz (Froylan) Noticia de los Autos Sequidos contra el M'ro. Fr. Froylan Diaz, Confesor que era del Señor Carlos II. y Inquisidor de la Suprema, con motivo de los hechizos de dicho Rey. MS. in folio. Historical and Antiquarian Magazine. ON THE BANNERS USED IN THE ENGLISH ARMY FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY THE EIGHTH. "With all their banners bravely spread, Saint George might waken from the dead WALTER SCOTT. It would be difficult to name a subject more intimately connected with all that is chivalrous in English history than an account of the Banners which were borne in the field under our early monarchs; and the mind must indeed be callous to national glory that is not interested in all that relates to those ensigns under which the victories of Poictiers, of Cressy, and of Agincourt were gained. Whilst innumerable essays and dissertations have been written upon pieces of brass or stone, this point of antiquarian research has never received the attention that it deserves. The following remarks, which have been deduced from undoubted sources, are therefore submitted with the hope that they will throw some light upon a curious, if not important, part of historical investigations; and if they have no other merit, they will perhaps serve as the outlines of a picture which ought long since to have been completed. That a standard, or ensign, was borne in the armies of all nations from the most distant era, is a fact which is too well established both by sacred and profane history to admit of the slightest doubt; but these observations will be confined to the Banners used in the English army from the Conquest to the death of Henry the Eighth. Until the latter part of the reign of Edward the First, materials for the inquiry are extremely scanty; and almost all which will be here said on it before that time has been taken from Dr. Meyrick's admirable work on ancient armour. Banners, in the present acceptation of the term, are coeval with the introduction of heraldry, or armorial bearings; and which may perhaps be safely stated to have been adopted in this country about the twelfth century: a question which will be partially elucidated. William the Conqueror is represented on his great seal with a lance in his right hand, to which a small pennon is attached'; and which Dr. Meyrick considers was then called a "gonfanon." "It differs," that learned writer observes," from a banner in this respect, that instead of being square, and fastened to a tronsure bar, the gonfanon, though of the same figure, was fixed in a frame made to turn like a modern ship's vane, with two or three streamers or tails. The object of the gonfanon was principally to render great people more conspicuous to their followers, and to terrify the horses of their adversaries: hence the gonfanon became a mark of dignity." From the Bayeux Tapestry it would appear that a kind of standard was borne near the person of the commander in chief; and which is described by the writers of the period as a gonfanon. Wace says, "Li Barons ourent gonfanons, The Barons had gonfanons, Li Chevaliers ourent penons." The Knights had pennons. The pennon was a sort of streamer; but the Conqueror's gonfanon, as depicted on the Bayeux Tapestry, has three tails, and is charged with a cross. Though the other gonfanons are variously coloured, they resemble each other in shape, of which a copy is given in the plate. William's is always painted Argent a cross Or, within a bordure Azure; and the same charge also occurs on the mast of his ship, though in a square form, of which a representation is also given. According to William of Malmsbury, the standard of the Conqueror, at the battle of Hastings, was in the form of a fighting man, wrought with gold and precious stones in a costly manner; and which he afterwards sent to the Pope 5. The gonfanon attached to the lance of See Plate No. 5. 3 See Plate No. 3. 2 See Plate No. 4. 5 "Vexillum illud post victoriam Papæ misit Willielmus, quod erat in hominis pugnantis figura, auro, et lapidibus arte sumptuosa contexum."-Lib. iii. p. 101. At the Battle of the Standard in 1138, the standard used by the English, we are told, consisted of the mast of a ship fixed upon a wheeled carriage, at the top of which was placed a silver pix, containing a consecrated wafer; and under were hung three banners, one dedicated to St. Peter, another to St. John of Beverley, and the third to St. Wilfred of Rippon. William Rufus on his great seal is simply swallow-tailed1: that of King Stephen differed slightly in the form from both, and was charged with a cross. Henry Duke of Normandy's pennon is shown on the plate3, which also contains drawings of two other pennons used about the same period. As, after that time, the kings of England and other great personages are always represented with a sword instead of a lance in their right hands, no farther information is to be gleaned from their seals. Upon the adoption of armorial ensigns, there is ample evidence to show that the pennon or gonfanon was charged with the arms of the bearer: hence the precise period when Heraldry was introduced is so intimately connected with the subject, that some remarks on the point are indispensable. Montfaucon presents an example of arms on a shield on a monument in 1109; but the tomb of Geoffrey Mandeville, Earl of Essex, in the Temple Church, who died in 1148, is perhaps the earliest instance which exists of the use of armorial bearings in this country. No arms appear on the seals of our monarchs until the reign of Richard the First; and it was only on his second seal that the present ensigns of England were introduced. The great barons were not long before they imitated the seals of their sovereign. Saier de Quincy, Earl of Winchester, who died in 1219, and Richard de Montfichet, the last person of which name flourished in the reign of John and in the commencement of that of his successor, are represented on horseback, holding in their right hands a shield with their arms, and in their left a lance with a pennon similarly charged. The pennon of the earl is shown in the plates, and which contained the coat he used, Or a fess Gules and a label of eleven points Azure; whilst that of Montfichet appears charged with three chevronels, his arms being Gules three chevronels Or. A still earlier instance remains, however, to be mentioned. In a collection of drawings of ancient seals is one of Waleran de Bellomont, who was created Earl of Worcester in 1144, and died in 1166. Upon one side he is represented on horseback, holding in his right hand a shield Checky, and in his left a lance with a pennon of four tails, the upper being Checky, and the legend Sigillum Gualerani Comitis Wigornie." On the reverse he also appears mounted, and has a shield in his left hand similarly charged, but his right supports a sword: the legend 66 2 See Plate No. 9. 1 See Plate No. 6. 3 See No. 10. * See Nos. 8 and 11. Nearly all three pennons have been copied from the seals engraved either in Sandford's " Genealogical History," or in the first volume of the authorized edition of the "Statutes of the Realm." 5 See Plate No. 13. 7 In the Lansdown MS. 203. 6 See Plate No. 12. 8 See Plate No. 7. |