not only require a great outlay, but a publisher who wishes to excel in works like the one before us must possess something more than capital; he must have taste to choose his engravers, he must have experience to judge of their efforts, he must have industry and vigilance to collect information respecting the best authorities, and a good connexion to enable him to act upon it: all these qualities, and more, must be combined by a quiet enthusiasm, which keeps him always advancing towards his point without bustle or offence, and which burns in his mind like a slow fever in the body, until the last stroke is given to his work, and all is declared complete.

The portraits of the painters, and the other subjects of engraving in Mr. Walpole's original edition, were but scratchy performances; the higher efforts of the art were not only not common, but book-plates were considered as requiring no great excellence then, as Mr. Walpole's views were any thing but those of gain, and as every sum was disbursed without expectation of return, it is scarcely generous in the editor of the present edition to remark, that those engravings rather displayed his parsimony than his patronage of the arts. Collections, too, in those times were not so commonly made, nor so well known; neither was that communication kept up, nor those exhibitions and publications presented to the world, which now enable a connoisseur to take a much larger view of his authorities. It is not surprising, therefore, that in the present edition Mr. Walpole's intentions are more effectually carried into execution than in the work which was produced entirely and immediately under his own inspection.

The literary duties of an editor of the Anecdotes of the Painters and Painting in England were evident enough, but the chance of their being well performed was small; for they demanded a similarity of pursuit, the devotion of a part of many years to the task of collection and illustration, and, above all, a modest ambition of doing all that was necessary, and not too much. Art is no more stationary than science, and the productions of art are proverbially fluctuating and changing. It was particularly desirable that we should know what changes had taken place in the works of art described by Mr. Walpole; that we should have the additional information which has been brought to light since his time by the researches of others; and that his mistakes should be corrected. All this has been excellently done by Mr. Dallaway; but he has done more: he has gone beyond the point where he should have stopped. Commentaries are, in their nature, an evil; and when a necessary one, should be kept down within the smallest possible compass. The distraction caused by frequent references from the text to the notes destroys much of the pleasure of perusal,

and also a great deal of the profit; for it enfeebles the impression, and holds down the mind from a free consideration of the author to an unhappy see-saw between assertion and denial, proposition and corollary, text and illustration. We acknowledge the accuracy, the extent and appropriateness of Mr. Dallaway's information, yet we could have spared much of it. His additional facts respecting the biography of different painters are generally necessary and desirable; so also is his supplementary account of pictures and buildings; but while we should be glad to read his observations elsewhere, many of them are here out of place. His supplements to the chapters, and his dissertation on the controversy respecting taste in gardening and landscape, are altogether superfluous, and serve to throw, if we may be allowed the expression, a farraginous complexion over the work. With this sole censure, namely, that of being somewhat too complete, we must conclude our notice of a book that reflects credit on all concerned in its preparation.

An additional line cannot be better occupied than in pointing out the exquisiteness of the wood-cuts which, in addition to the copper-plates, adorn this edition. The character of ancient architecture, and the effects of picturesque buildings, were never represented with more force and brilliancy than in such cuts as those of Wollaton in Nottinghamshire, and Woolterton Manorhouse in Norfolk, nor were they ever drawn out with greater truth and splendour.

A Collection of State Papers relating to Affairs in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, from the Year 1570 to 1596, transcribed from original Papers, and other authentic Memorials, never before published, left by William Cecill, Lord Burghley, and reposited in the Library at Hatfield House. By William Murdin, B. D. Rector of Merrow, and Vicar of Shalford, in Surrey. Folio, London, 1759, pp. 813.

As this collection is a continuation of the series generally known by the title of " Haynes's Burghley Papers," which were reviewed in our last number, we have thought it best to notice it, before we invite the attention of our readers to any other similar publication, since the two volumes, though edited by different persons, and printed at the interval of nineteen years, form in fact but one work. It embraces the official correspondence of Lord Burghley from the year 1542 to 1596; half a century which was, perhaps, more chequered by a variety of political events than any similar period in British history.

However valuable the volume before us may be to the

historian, it affords but few letters which will interest any other reader than one who is engaged in the laborious task of sifting the motives of the transactions of the times. To him its pages are of great importance, but to others they are far less interesting than the collection of Haynes; for instead of those amusing descriptions of eminent personages with which it abounds, we are here, with very few exceptions, only presented with state papers of the driest description, relating either to Mary Queen of Scots, or to the political relations between this and other countries. We have already said, that the conduct and fate of that unfortunate Princess is a subject upon which it is impossible for us to enter; and we shall consequently take no other notice of the papers to which we allude than thus to refer to them. The editor has very justly remarked in his preface, that

"The lovers of history, who have not patience or leisure to go through these voluminous collections of the Materia Historica, in which it is difficult to weigh the exact value of each single paper, would yet find their account in promoting the publication of them; since it is from the variety and copiousness of such genuine sources, that the lively writer of memoirs (if he is not contemporary with the events which he relates) must derive his most entertaining anecdotes, and the grave historian his most important and authentic facts, and be enabled to join the fulness of information to the strength and elegance of composition."

The first hundred pages are wholly filled with the correspondence of John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, and Morgan, and Charles Baillie, who was then a prisoner in the Tower, on charges of high treason, with the examinations of the said prelate, of Barker, Heyford, and others, who were suspected of plotting in favour of the Queen of Scots. From this mass of materials for a history of Mary, we shall only extract a few passages. The frequent use of torture' to extort confessions is nowhere better proved than in some of these documents, and a knowledge of which may perhaps undeceive the ignorant admirers of the golden days of Queen Elizabeth." Sir Thomas Smyth, in a letter to Burghley, dated at St. Katherines, 17th Sept. 1571, says,

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"I suppose we have gotten so mych as at this tyme is like to be had; yet to-morrow do we intend to bryng a couple of them to the rack, not in eny hope to get eny thyng worthy that payne or feare, but because it is so earnestly commandid unto us.”—P. 95.

The warrant from the Queen, dated 15th Sept. 1571, for putting these persons to the rack has been printed by Mr. Ellis in his "Original Letters," First Series, vol. ii. p. 261. A description of the kind of torture used on those occasions is given by Dr. Lingard, in a note to his History of the reign of Elizabeth.

Thus some poor wretches were to be tortured, though the barbarous inflicters admitted that they had no hope of producing any new discovery, but simply because a greater barbarian commanded the experiment to be tried! Baillie speaks of himself as being "all naked and torne'," and Banister says that he had taisted the smarte" of the rack.

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The Bishop of Ross, in a letter to some noblemen, dated in December, 1571, states that the Queen of Scots was then ill, but which the doctors said " was only suffocacio matricis, quia desinit esse mater:" his letter is also curious from its containing something like evidence of her regard for the Duke of Norfolk.

"The Queene of Scottes feares grevouslie that her sicknes shal cause the Duke of Norfolke take displeasure, and therefore hath bydden me wryte to the Duke her most hartie and loving commendacons, and praye hym effectuallie not to take displeasure, for she promyses faithfullie never to doe the like agayne; therefore if she shall doe it, the Duke of Norfolke may challenge her with breache of her promyse. The Duke of Norfolke's letter, token, and credit, sent with me, was her onlie comforte; for she regarded litle the Queene of Englande's letter, for it was no better worthe, as ye may perceave by the double of it."-P. 165.

Norfolk was then a prisoner in the Tower, and several letters occur from him to Elizabeth, the pathetic eloquence of which almost redeems the abjectness of spirit which they betray. Of these we are tempted to insert some short specimens. In a letter to the Queen, dated on the 22nd of January, 1571-2, six days after his condemnation, after admitting some of his offences, and saying that he was "but a deade doge in thys worlde,' he implores her forgiveness, in order that he may "leave this vale off myserye with the lyghter harte and quyeter concyense, wherby I may behold my Lord Jesus with a more joyfull contenance, and ends with this allusion to his children:

"Nowe that I have layyd my none most humble and earnest sute prostrate befor your most excellent Majestye, as nature byndes me, with a soryfull harte, most lowlylye I besyche your Hyenesse to extend your mercyfull goodnesse to my power orphan chyldren, whoe, nowe when ther yeares did most requyre a father for the care off ther bryngyng up, hathe other wyse apoyntyd; and I feare, that as nowe they have neyther father, nor mother, so yff yt be not by your Majestye's most gracyowes goodnesse, that they power innocentes schall fynde but fewe frendes. The heavenlye Lord, for hys Crystys sake, put in to your Majestye's most gracyowes harte, that my caryon ende may take awaye and aswhage so your Majestye's just yere, as that the lytle

power wretchys may tast of your Hyenesse's gret clemencye, and then I hope, yff yt be Gode's pleasure to contynue them in thys world, that by ther dutyfull servys to your Majestye, they shall make sum recompence for ther father's transgressions, wyche yff they shuld not doe, I praye God sone send them to follow ther unhappe father." -P. 167.

He then entreats that they may be committed to the care of Lord Burghley. On the 23rd of January he again wrote to the Queen, thanking her for the promise which she appears to have made him to comply with his wishes on that subject.

"No penne can expresse the great comfort wyche I, myserable wretche, receavyd by your excellent Majestye's most gratyowes message, concernyng your Hyenesse's intendyd goodnesse towards my poore infortunate brates, wyche nowe in ther schypwrake be cast into the fearfull surgys off the see, desperat off enye relyfe, except they (most unworthe for all ther waylyng and cryyng) be taken up by ther noble and most mercyfull Quene's maydenlye hand, wyche hathe ever heapyd cooles upon her enymyes heades, by rewarding yll with good. And although God forbede that I a dede flye should be cowntyd in thys case ane enymye," &c.-P. 168.

A letter from the Recorder of London to Burghley, on the 1st October, 1573, describing his official proceedings previous to, and at, the election of the mayor in that year, informs us of a singular custom, of the sheriffs being entertained by the gaolers of the different prisons visited by them. He says:

Uppon Weddensdaye we satte at the Yelde Halle, and there did the chifest of the comons appere; and there, we sitting all in our calabrye clokes of murrey, did geve the newe shereffs, and theire under

sheriffs for London and Middlesex theire othes; and then our order is, the one half to dyne with the one sheriff, and the other half with the other. At afternone the same daie the new sheriffs goe to everie pryson, and do there receave all the prysoners by matter of record; and at everie prison the gailer thereof dothe make unto them a verye fyne and a nedeles banckett, which muche better might be spared than spent."-P. 259.

The worthy Recorder's account of the election of the mayor may amuse our city readers: we learn from it that it was then the custom for his lordship to affect an unworthiness for the office.

"That done, my lord electe standeth forthe in my place, and there doth disable himself, and in the ende is well contented, and so geveth them thanks in like manner, and there dothe he take his leave: and so we go to dynar with the two olde sheriffs, where we had a costlie feaste, with a playe for our farewell."-P. 260.

A pamphlet having been published in 1576, charging Elizabeth with ingratitude to the King of Spain, he having saved her life when condemned to death in the time of Mary, Walsingham