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prophecies to falsify history, has at least prepared their readers to acquiesce without surprise or inquiry in very partial and delusive

statements.

There is another point which I would just notice, because it has given colour to the statements of all the writers, who, from whatever motive, have maintained the entire ignorance of the dark ages,-I mean the complaints of contemporary writers of the neglect of the word of God, as well as of the other sins of those ages. I have before alluded to something like this of a more general nature, and will here only give a single specimen; and that not so much to prove or illustrate what is plain and notorious, as because it is somewhat curious and characteristic in itself, and relates to one of the most early versions of the Scripture into the vernacular tongue.

William of Bamberg, as he is commonly called, who was a monk of Fulda, and afterwards abbot of St. Peters by Mersburg, (about the year 1070,) wrote a translation, or rather a double paraphrase, of the Book of Canticles, in Latin verse and Teutonic prose, to which he prefixed the following preface :

"When I look at the studies of our ancestors, whereby they became famous in respect of the Sacred Scriptures, I am forced to lament the depravity of this age, when almost every literary pursuit has ceased, and there is nothing going on but avarice, envy, and strife. For if there are any who, under scholastic discipline, are instructed in grammatical and dialectical studies, they think that this is enough for them, and entirely neglect the Holy Scripture; whereas it is on account of that only that it is lawful for Christians to read heathen books, in order that they may perceive the great difference between light and darkness, truth and error. Others, however, though they are mighty in sacred learning, yet, hiding in the earth the talent committed to them, laugh at those who make mistakes in reading and chanting, though they take no pains to help their infirmity, either by instructing them or correcting their books. I found, in France, that one man, named Lantfrid, (who had previously been much distinguished in dialectics,) but who had then betaken himself to ecclesiastical studies,) had by his own acuteness sharpened the minds of many in the Epistles of St. Paul and the Psalms; and as many of our countrymen flock to hear him, I hope that, after his example, they also will produce the fruit of their industry in our provinces, to the benefit of many. And as it often happens that through an impulse given by generous steeds the half-bred horse is set a running, (although I am not ignorant of the dulness of my poor genius, yet hoping to have a merciful God for my helper,) I also have determined, according to my small means, to offer to the studious reader some little help toward improvement. I have determined, therefore, if God permit, to explain the Song of Songs, whose very name testifies its eminence, both in verse and in the Teutonic language, in such a way, that the text being placed in the middle, these two versions may accompany it down the sides, and thereby whatsoever is sought may be more easily found. I have added nothing of my own, but have compressed all I could find in the various expositions of the fathers; and, both in the verses and in the Teutonic translation, I have taken more pains about the sense than the words. Sometimes I repeat the same verses; for those things which the Holy Spirit has repeated in the same words, it does not appear improper for me to repeat in the same verses. I have thought it good to distribute the parts to the Bridegroom and the Bride, both in the translation and in the verses, as well as the text, not only that they may have the greater appearance of authority, but that the reader may be gratified by the persons speaking alternately. I do not know whether I am the dupe of a pleasing delusion; but if not, surely he who rained on Solomon hath also condescended to shed some few drops on me. Sometimes on reading what

That is, our Archbishop Lanfranc. Since writing this notice, I have seen the preceding number in print, and find that I there used the same expression in speaking of this primate. Will the reader correct page 16, line 6, where, by an error of the press, I appear to call him "one Archbishop Lancfranc."

I have written I am as much delighted as if it was the work of an approved author. I offer this little work, as long as I live, to the correction of those who are more learned; if I have done wrong in anything, I shall not be ashamed to receive their admonitions; and if there is anything which they like, I shall not be slow to furnish more."

To come, however, to the question,-did people in the dark ages know anything of the Bible? Certainly it was not as commonly known and as generally in the hands of men as it is now, and has been almost ever since the invention of printing. I beg the reader not to suspect me of wishing to maintain any such absurd opinion; but I do think that there is sufficient evidence-(I.) that during that period the scriptures were more accessible to those who could use them; (II.) were in fact more used-and (III.) by a greater number of persons-than some modern writers would lead us to suppose. The worst of it is, that the proof must not only be defective-for on what subject connected with that period can it be otherwise?-but that, if by any means fully produced, it must be so voluminous as to be quite inadmissible in a work like the present. It is not by generalizing on particular cases, as has been the fault of some writers whose statements I have noticed, but by accumulating a great number of factsfacts, too, of very different descriptions, and forming totally distinct parts of the proof-that anything like a correct idea can be formed. It is absurd for Robertson to say that monasteries of considerable note had only one missal, because the Abbot Bonus found only one in the ruined chapel at Pisa. It is as absurd in Warton to tell us that "at the beginning of the tenth century books were so scarce in Spain that one and the same copy of the Bible, St. Jerom's Epistles, and some volumes of ecclesiastical offices and martyrologies, often served for different monasteries," because old Gennadius, Bishop of Astorga, thought fit, after dividing many other books among four monasteries or oratories, which he had founded in his diocese, to give them his Bible and some other books as common property. I think it would

I. D. & M. 501. To this poor monk's own account of his performance, it is only justice to add the testimony of a learned Protestant :-" Paraphrasin Willerami mire commendat Junius, autorem vocat præstantis ingenii virum, et rerum theologicurum consultissimum, qui in hoc provincia administranda, et vero sensu connubialis carminis eruendo tanta dexteritate est et fide versatus, ut paucos habuerit ex antiquis illis, quos se vidisse et legisse notat, pares; priorem fere neminem "-Cave, Hist. Lit., tom. ii., p. 148.

+ Diss. ii.

Warton refers to Fleury, L. LIV., c. liv., but adds, " See other instances in Hist. Lit. Fr. par del. Benedict. vii. 3." To this book I have not access at present; but I shall be much surprised to find that it contains other instances sufficient to support this assertion.

Since I wrote this note I have received a letter from a friend whom I requested to look out the reference, in which he says, "It is curious that you should be again sent back to your old friend, the Homilies of Haimo; the whole passage is not long, and I shall, therefore, transcribe it. Hist. Lit., tom. vii., p. 3, n. 3.

“III. A ce defaut presque generale d'inclination pour les lettres, qui avoit sa source dans le génie de la nation, se réunirent plusieurs autres causes, qui concoururent à entretenir l'ignorance. Le X siècle n'avoit pas été suffisant pour reparer les pertes de livres qu'avoit souffert la France, dans les courses précédentes, les pillages, les incendies, des Sarasins, des Normans, des Hongrois, des Bulgares. Quoiqu'on eut travaillé à renouveller ces livres, comme nous l'avons montré, ils etoient encore fort rares, ce qui rendoit les études très-difficiles. D'ailleurs n'y aïant presque que des

be quite as fair and as foolish for me to say, "In the ninth century the bishops used to write Bibles for their churches with their own hands," because I find that Wicbert, who became bishop of Wildesheim in the year 880, did so. Still such notices are not to be passed over; and I will offer a few, to which I have no doubt that many more might be added if I had access to more books. Though I put them first, I beg the reader not to suppose that I consider them as the most important part of the proof, but only offer them as notices not entirely uninteresting in themselves, and as forming a part, though a small one, of the proof required.

1. In the first place, then, whoever reads the writers-perhaps I should say principally the historians-of those ages will find them not unfrequently speaking of the Bible. I do not mean referring to it as an authority, or quoting its contents, or, if I may so express myself, speaking of it in the abstract (for this is quite another part of the subject), but incidentally mentioning the existence of Bibles at various times, and in places where they were accessible to very many. I need not repeat that the proof must be defective, not only because we may reasonably suppose that those copies of the Bible which happen to be thus incidentally mentioned in the comparatively few documents which have come down to us were but a very small part of those which were in existence, but because the instances which I can give are only such as I happen to have met with in circumstances not very favourable to such research.

When Aldhelm, who became bishop of Schireburn in the year 705, went to Canterbury to be consecrated by his old friend and companion Berthwold (pariter literis studuerant, pariterque viam religionis triverant,) the archbishop kept him there many days, taking counsel with him about the affairs of his diocese. Hearing of the arrival of ships at Dover, during this time, he went there to inspect their unloading, and to see if they had brought anything in his way, (si quid forte commodum ecclesiastico usui attulissent nautæ qui e Gallico sinu in Angliam provecti librorum copiam apportassent.) Among many moines qui s'occupoient à les copier, ils commencerent par ceux qu'ils croïoient plus nécessaires: la Bible et les livres liturgiques, les écrits des Péres, les recueils des Canons. Ainsi il se passa du temps, avant qu'ils pussent transcrire les historiens, les poëtes, les orateurs. Et le defaut de ces ouvrages contribua beaucoup aux mauvaises études et à la barbarie qui y regnoit. On avoit cependant de cette sorte d'auteurs: mais ils n'étoient pas communes. (Mab. an. 1. 61, n. 6.) Un trait que l'histoire a conservé touchant le prix excessif des livres en ce temps-là nous doit faire juger de leur rareté. Encore s'agit-il d'un auteur ecclesiastique, le recueil des Homelies d'Haimon d'Halberstat. Grécie Comtesse d'Anjou,' &c. &c.

"The rest of the paragraph I think I sent you before; or, at least, you know its contents. [The reader may find it in No. V., p. 20, No. for July.] And it appears that there is nothing whatever about one book serving many monasteries; nay, the inference from the whole passage is the very reverse of the statement for which it is quoted by Warton; and it relates, not to Spain, but to France. I therefore looked in the index of the volume, in hope that the reference might possibly be misprinted; but I find nothing at all like the statement in Warton's text."

I do not wish to lengthen this note by any remarks on this passage, which I adduce to shew the authority on which Warton relied; but I have marked one or two words by italics, which shew what an important bearing it has on the subject in general, and particularly on that part with which we are at present engaged.

other books he saw one containing the whole of the Old and New Testament, which-to omit the incidents for the sake of which the fact is recorded, but which are not to our purpose-he at length bought; and William of Malmesbury, who wrote his life in the twelfth century, tells us that it was still preserved at that place.*

In the year 780, King Offa gave to the church at Worcester, among other things, a great Bible-magnam Bibliam.†

It was probably soon after-for he became bishop of Orleans about or before the year 794—that Theodulfus made his great Bible, which is still in existence; at least it was so in the days of Father Sirmond, in whose works the reader may find the verses which the bishop prefixed to it, and the preface, which was written in gold.‡

In the list of books given to his monastery by Ansegisus, who became abbot of Fontanelle in the year 823, we find "Bibliothecam optimam continens vetus et novum Testamentum, cum præfationibus ac initiis librorum aureis literis decoratis;"§ and among those which he gave to the monastery of St. Flavian, "Pandecten a B. Hieronymo ex hebræo vel græco eloquio translatum."||

In a return of their property which the monks of St. Riquier at Centule made, by order of Lewis the Debonnaire, in the year 831, we find, among a considerable quantity of books, "Bibliotheca integra ubi continentur libri lxxii, in uno volumine;" and also, "Bibliotheca dispersa in voluminibus 14."¶

In the year 843 the Normans came up the Loire, and laid waste Nantes, and the surrounding country. After killing the bishop in his cathedral, with many of the clergy, monks, and laity who had sought refuge there, they loaded their vessels with spoil and captives, and proceeded along the Loire to an island, where they began to divide their prey. In doing this, they quarrelled and fought, and many of them were killed. "The captives, however," says the historian, "seeing the storm, all fled into the more inaccessible parts of the island; but among them there was one who ventured on a very bold stroke (magnæ invasionis audax.) He took on his back the great Bible, which is preserved to this day [probably in or before the twelfth century] in the great church of Nantes, and ran off to hide himself, with the rest, in the mines." The Normans having fought till they were

⭑ Ang. Sac. ii. 21.

Sirm. Op., tom. ii., p. 763.

+ Ibid. i. 470.

§ Chron. Fontan. ap. Dach. Sp. ii. 280.

|| Ibid. 281. 1 do not know that this name was ever general, or that it was used by any writer before Alcwin. In the verses which he wrote in the copy which he corrected by order of Charlemagne (and which the reader may find in Baronius, an. 778. No. xxiii.), he says:

"Nomine PANDECTEN proprio vocitare memento

Hoc corpus sacrum, lector, in ore tuo;

Quod nunc a multis constat BIBLIOTHECA dicta
Nomine non proprio, ut lingua Pelasga docet."

As to the name Bibliotheca, I have already had occasion to mention that it was the common name for a Bible. It seems to have arisen (I know not how properly) from the words of Jerome, who, offering to lend books, says to Florentius, "et quoniam largiente Domino, multis sacræ bibliothecæ codicibus abundamus."-Ep. VI. ad Flor., tom. i., p. 19. I. Chron. Centul. ap. Dach. Sp. ii. 311.

tired, those who survived were seized with a panic; in consequence of which they gathered up the spoil, and set sail, without troubling themselves about the captives, who at length got safe back to Nantes, having lost much in silver, and gold, and books, and saving only their Bible, "solummodo Bibliothecam afferentes."*

It is somewhat curious that, among the scraps which have come down to us, we find a notice of another Bible in the same year, and very near the same place. In a charter cited by Du Cange, from the tabulary of the monastery of St. Maur, on the Loire, we find-" Donum autem confirmat Bibliotheca Veteris et Novi Testamenti ;" + the Bible having been used, I presume, in the conveyance of some property in the way which I have described in No 5. Indeed, it seems as if they were in the habit of so using their Bible at that monastery; for in another charter, bearing date 847, and conveying property to it, we find " Donum autem hujus rei est hæc Bibliotheca Veteris ac Novi Testamenti." +

In the short interval between the dates of these two charters—that is, in the year 845-Hamburg was burned, and the Bible which Lewis the Debonnaire had given to Anscharius was, with many other books, destroyed by fire-Bibliothecam quam serenissimus jam memoratus Imperator eidem Patro nostro contulerat, optime conscripta, cum plurimis aliis libris igni disperiit. §

||

Everhard, Count of Friuli, by his will, dated A.D. 867, divided his books among his children, leaving to his eldest son "Bibliothecam rostram." This Count, before the time just specified, had founded a monastery at Cisoing (a little to the south between Lille and Tournay) and it appears that a monk named Wulgarius, who states that he had laboured in the monastery ever since its foundation, presented to it several books, among which we find "Bibliothecam 1." ¶¶

Wiebert, who became bishop of Hildesheim in the year 880, I have already mentioned as writing a Bible with his own hand. The chronicler who records the fact, and who probably wrote in the twelfth century, says, "Bibliothecam quæ adhuc in monasterio servatur, propria manu elaboravit.” **

Gennadius, who bequeathed his Bible, as part of a sort of circulating library, to his four monasteries or oratories, I have also already mentioned. He describes it as "Bibliothecam totam." +t

Olbert, who was abbot of Gembloux until the year 1048, wrote out a volume containing the whole of the Old and New Testament; ‡‡

↑ Du Cange in v. Bibliotheca.

Ibid. p. 879.

* Frag. Hist. Armor. ap. Mart. iii. 830. Given by Baluze Capit. Reg. Franc., tom. ii., p. 1456. S Vita S. Anscharii int. add. ad Lambecii Orig. Hamburg., c. xiv., p. 59. Dach. Sp. ii. 877. ** Chron. Ep. Hildash. ap. Leib. Sc. Brun. I. 743. tt Mab. A.S. vii., p. 36. This is the person who, under the name of Albert, comes in for a sneer from Warton on the page just referred to of his second Dissertation; "Albert, Abbot of Gemblours, who, with incredible labour and immense expense, had collected an hundred volumes on theological, and fifty on profane subjects, imagined he had formed a splendid library." The "incredible labour and immense expense," and the Abbot's own imagination of the splendour of his library, are, I believe, as purely poetical as anything that Warton ever wrote. Fleury, to whom he refers, says

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