XXI. 1782. cond mo the Ameri carried by of nineteen form. Accordingly, on the 27th of February, ge- BOOK neral Conway moved, "That it is the opinion of this house, that a further prosecution of offensive Gen. Conwar against America would, under present circum-way's sestances, be the means of weakening the efforts of tion against this country against her European enemies, and tend can war to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests a majority both of Great Britain and America." The general voices. spoke with indignation of the objection urged against the last motion, that it was an unconstitutional interference in matters pertaining to the executive power. He said, it had been ever the custom of that house to interpose its advice whenever it thought proper, in all matters of peace and war, as their journals incontrovertibly proved. In order to evade an immediate determination upon the question, the attorney-general Wallace, in moving an adjournment, declared his intention speedily to submit to the consideration of the house "a bill, enabling his majesty to conclude a truce with America, and to enter into a negotiation on this ground." The proposition of adjournment was negatived by a majority of 19, the numbers being 234 to 215; and the original motion of general Conway was then carried without a division. The general next moved an address to the king, founded on the precise words of the motion. This was agreed to; and it was resolved that the address 1782. BOOK should be presented to his majesty by the whole XXL house; which was accordingly done on the 1st of March and his majesty most graciously replied, "That, in pursuance of the advice of the house of commons, he would assuredly take such measures as should appear to him most conducive to the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and her revolted colonies." This not being deemed by the now glorious majority of the house sufficiently explicit, general Conway on the 4th of March moved another address to his majesty, returning him thanks for his gracious assurances, and affirming, "That nothing could so essentially promote the great objects of his majesty's paternal care, as the measures his faithful commons had humbly though earnestly recommended to his majesty." This was agreed to NEM. CON. and by a second motion it was resolved, "That the house will consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all those who should advise a prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America." The glory of general Conway, who had sixteen years before restored peace to the empire by the repeal of the Stamp Act, was now complete. The minister giving notice of his intention to postpone for some days laying before the house the additional taxes, which were to pay the interest of the new loan of thirteen millions and a half, Mr. Burke XXI. 1782. seized the occasion to observe, "that he lately had BOOK been taking a view of the blessed fruits of the noble lord's administration; and he had found we were already loaden with ten new taxes, viz. beer, wine, soap, leather, houses, coaches, post-chaises, posthorses, stamps, and servants. It was indeed no wonder that the minister should be at a loss about new taxes, for what fresh burdens could he add to this unhappy nation? We were already taxed if we rode, or if we walked; if we staid at home, or if we went abroad; if we were masters, or if we were servants. In the course of the noble lord's administration we had expended one hundred millions of money, and sacrificed one hundred thousand lives, and all this without producing in return the least benefit to the nation. On the contrary, the nation had been, in consequence of the wretched misconduct of the minister, deprived of thirteen colonies, to which might be added the loss of Senegal, Pensacola, Minorca, and some of our best West-India islands. On the following day the attorney general moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable his majesty to conclude a truce or peace with the revolted colonies in America. Though no serious opposition was made to this bill, it was treated with much indifference; and Mr. Fox declared it to be deserving only of contempt. "Ministers had no wish," he 1782. BOOK said, "for peace, and affairs were so circumstanced, XXI. that they must lose their places or the country be undone. There were at that very time persons in Europe fully empowered to make peace between Great Britain and America, but who would not negotiate with such an adininistration. He, as a friend to his country, would, if properly authorized, conduct the transaction, even in the capacity of a commis; but he desired it to be understood that he did not mean to connect himself with any of the ministers. From the moment when he should make terms with any one of them, he would rest satisfied to be called the most infamous of mankind. could not for an instant think of a coalition with men who in every public and private transaction, as ministers, had shown themselves void of every principle of honor and honesty. In the hands of such men he would not trust his honor even for a minute." censure on He Notwithstanding the late majorities in the house of commons in opposition to the ministers, they seemed to entertain no thoughts of resigning those offices which they had so long and so undeservedly Successive enjoyed. It was therefore thought necessary to motions of move a direct vote of censure upon them, at the close of a series of resolutions brought forward by lord John Cavendish on the 8th of March, importing, as the result of the whole, " that the chief cause the mini sters. of all the national misfortunes is want of foresight BOOK and ability in his majesty's ministers." The motion was seconded by Mr. Powys, who remarked," that the noble lord at the head of affairs had declared, that whenever parliament should withdraw its confidence from him, he would resign. That period was now come. The confidence of parliament was now withdrawn. It was therefore necessary that he should retire from power; and, whenever the happy moment should arrive, in which the noble lord, to the unspeakable joy of the nation, should really go to his sovereign to resign his employments, he hoped he would not forget to lay before the king a fair representation of the flourishing state in which he found his majesty's empire when the government of it was intrusted to his hands, and the ruinous condition in which he was about to leave all that remained of it." After a long debate, the order of the day was moved, and, on a division, was carried by a majority of ten voices, the numbers being 226 to 216. In a few days a resolution was moved by sir John Rous, member for Suffolk, a man once zealously attached to the present ministry, "that the house, taking into consideration the debt incurred and the losses sustained in the present war, could place no further confidence in the ministers who had the direction of public affairs." A vehement XXL 1782. |