leave the governed, no rights but what depend on the arbitrary. will of their governors.

The Author next controverts the opinion that the fupreme power cannot take from any one, any part of his property without his confent,' an opinion neceffarily ariling out of the very nature of property, and fanctified by the most refpectable authority: an opinion which Englishmen have hitherto fondly cherished, and for which they have hazarded their deareft interefts; and, an opinion which no writer of any credit had difputed in this country, fince the Revolution, until our controverfy with the Colonies feemed to require the propagation of doctrines lefs favourable to freedom and the juft rights of mankind.-But in oppofition to this opinion, nothing is here delivered which can influence the judgment of any man who is but moderately acquainted with the fubject.

The Author afterwards recapitulates in fucceffion the feveral acts of parliament, which were formerly made to bind the Colonies; and from these he infers," that the controuling power of the legiflature is warrantable by conftant ufage and uninterrupted practice. But the power formerly affumed by Parliament over the Colonies was exerted in mild, lenient, and beneficial acts; and (as we have on other occafions fhewn) the people of America, did not, at those early periods, think even these exertions of parliamentary authority juftifiable, fo long as they were unreprefented in Parliament; but had the cafe been otherwife, and had the acts of Parliament to which the Colonists fubmitted, been even as violent and fevere as those which they now refift, would it from thence follow, that men, by having formerly commiteed injuftice, acquire a right to perfevere in the practice of it?

In forming the pamphlet before us, the Author appears to have written with a fixed determination to contradict (fas aut nefas) every allegation of the Congrefs; and in doing it, we find him fometimes artfully fuppreffing, and at other times boldly offending againft, the truth. Of this misconduct we shall state a few instances, in the order in which they occur.

The Congrefs, in their declaration, complain of ftatutes paffed for extending the jurifdiction of courts of Admiralty, and of ViceAdmiralty beyond their ancient limits,' and for depriving the Colonists of the accustomed and inestimable Trial by Jury, in cafes affecting both life and property.'-In oppofition to these complaints, the Author confidently affirms, that the alterations of which the Congrefs complains, were made at the request of their constituents;' (the people of America), and as to trial by jury, fays he, the whole world knows, that the court of admiralty in England never admitted that mode of trial in civil cafes.'-Here is a curious intermixture of evasion and falfehood:-it is true that the court of admiralty in England determines according to the civil law (which ought never to have been admitted by an English court); and, in civil cafes, without the intervention of a jury. But of this deprivation of juries the people of America did not complain, fo long as it affected them only in the fame degree as it affected the people of England; but when the jurifdiction of admiralty courts no longer reftrained to offences on the high feas, became extended to numerous tranfactions, arifing in

the

the body of every American county. (in all which they were to be de prived of the benefits of a trial by jury) they then with reafon began to complain. But never did they defire the powers of vice-admiralty courts to be thus unconflitutionally extended; or folicit that disgraceful regulation, which compells the judges to condemn almost every feizure, thereby to provide a fund, from which alone their falaries are to be paid.

In defending the Bofton Port and Maffachufet's Charter Act, the Author confidently reafferts feveral of thefe notorious untruths, which have been expofed in the former numbers of our Review; and on the fubject of the Quebec A&t, after a few wretched fallacies and evalions, employed to justify the Defpotifm and Popery established by it, he endeavours to criminate feveral Peers and Commoners now in oppofition, as men who, while in office, had formed and adopted a fyftem of laws for the government of Canada, more despotic and unjuftifiable than the aft under confideration. He tells us, that ⚫ under the administration of the Earl of Chatham, Mr. Morgan, Lord Shelburne's fecretary, was fent privately to America, as commiffioner, to fettle and regulate a new code for the government of Quebec.-Lord Camden (continues he) was chancellor, and gave his fanction to regulations MORE ALLIED TO DESPOTISM than thofe he reprobates at prefent. The Duke of Grafton, the Earl of Shelburne, General Conway, and feveral others of that illuftrious band,' on whofe virtues the Americans expatiate with rapture, approved this POPISH, ARBITRARY, TYRANNICAL fyftem of government: yet all these are, now, true Americans, ftrenuous Proteftants, Whigs of the ancient mould, determined affertors of public freedom, avowed enemies to OPPRESSION, POPERY, and ARBITRARY POWER!' -With fuch patronage and fuch fources of knowledge as thofe under which our Author is faid to write, it does not feem probable, that either ignorance or misinformation has led him to propagate this flanderous fiction. Certain it is, however, that Lord Camden did not give his fan&tion to regulations more allied to Despotism than thofe he reprobates,' or to any regulations whatever for the government of Quebec: had he indeed acted fo inconfiftently, the honour of advancing this charge would not have been left for our Author:fome there undoubtedly are, who, when his Lordship moved for a repeal of the Quebec Act, would have known and availed themselves of a circumftance fo important.-That a gentleman was fent to make inquiries refpecting the ftate of Canada is probably true; but it is denied that any regulations for the civil government of the province were adopted at the period our Author mentions; and we have reafon to believe that none were even debated or propofed in cabinet.

Refpecting the unfortunate commencement of hoftilities at Lexington, the Writer confidently charges the Provincials with having first fired on the King's troops; the affidavits of the Rebels on this fubjea, fays he, are impofitions and perjuries. There is not a man, whether officer or foldier, in the whole detachment, confifting of 800 men, but is ready in the most folemn manner to atteft the truth of this fact. But here the Author ought to have remembered, that not one of this whole detachment has yet been found to attest what he afferts, and that several of that very detachment have worn to the contrary.

It were to be wished, continues he, for the honour of the infurgents, that their BARBAROUS CRUELTY to the wounded foldiers, were more problematical than their firing FIRST on the King's troops. The foldiers who fell by the first fire of the Rebels, were found fcalped, when the detachment returned from Concord to Lexington Bridge. Two foldiers who lay wounded on the field, and had been fcalped by the favage Provincials, were ftill breathing. They appeared, by the traces of blood, to have rolled in the agonies of this horrid fpecies of death, feveral yards from the place where they had been fcalped. Near thefe unfortunate men, another dreadful object prefented itself. A foldier who had been flightly wounded, appeared with his eyes torn out of their fockets, by the barbarous mode of GOOGING, a word and practice peculiar to the Americans.'-Had there been the smallest reality in this horrid tale, it must have been known to multitudes on both fides, and its credibility certainly would not have been left to depend on the flender authority of an anonymous Writer, especially at a time when to render the people of America odious in Great Britain, is fo defirable an undertaking.But before the Writer ventured to defcribe as being peculiar to the Americans,' a word and practice which were never heard of among them, he ought to have been certain that none of the inhabitants of Great Britain had ever vifited the country where this barbarity is reprefented as fo peculiar and common.

The Congrefs, in their declaration, fay, The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general their governor; and having, in order to procure their difmiffion, entered into a treaty with him, it was ftipulated, that the faid inhabitants, having depofited their arms with their own magiftrates, fhould have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even favage nations efteemed facred, the governor ordered the arms depofited as aforefaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be feized by a body of foldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their molt valuable effects behind them.'-In anfwering this paffage, our Author's ufual Spirit seems to fail him; and inftead of boldly deny. ing the charge, he only attempts to difguife and explain away the truth. He admits the treaty between General Gage and the inhabitants of Boston, and fays, "It was at first approved by all; but great clamours foon after followed. Such of the inhabitants as were well affected, or pretended to be well affected to government, alleged, that none but the ill inclined fhewed any inclination to remove; and that when they should become fafe with their effects, the town would be fet on fire. A great demur having alfo arifen about the meaning of the word EFFECTS, whether MERCHANDISE was included; and the general being likewife fenfible, that the permitting articles of that kind to be carried to the Rebels, might ftrengthen them in their refiftance; he retained the goods. But they are fill fafely kept for the owners, fhould they either continue faithful, or feize his Majefty's mercy, and return to their duty.' Such is our Author's excufe for this difgraceful violation of public faith.

In the progrefs, and at the conclufion of the Author's anfwer, we are prefented with eftimates (artfully repeated at different places) of the fums faid to have been expended by Great Britain, on her ungrateful Colonies. From the proofs already given of his little regard for truth, our Readers will not expect much accuracy in thefe eftimates; indeed they are, with a very few exceptions, founded upon the moft uncertain and extravagant conjectures; and even where they appear molt accurate, they are calculated to deceive; e. g. the Writer's estimates include the expences of the civil and military eftablishments of the loyal provinces of Eaft Florida, West Florida, and Nova Scotia, (the last of which has alone coft Great Britain more than all the united Colonies together) yet at the conclufion of his account, he ventures to tell us, that it is the total of money laid out by Great Britain on the Revolted Provinces; and that nothing might be omitted which could poffibly fwell the account of American ingratitude, the Author has charged against the Colonifts, not only the fums expended in purchafing lands from the Indians (though thefe very lands either continue the property of the King or are fubject to quit-rents to the Crown), but even the bounties on particular articles which were granted for our own fakes, and to the great profit of this kingdom.

In almost every page of this performance the Congrefs are accufed of ignorance, audacity, and falsehood; and the Coloniits are frequently represented as men who have been long aiming at a total independence in all matters whatfoever; and more particularly with regard to the act of Navigation:' and who now publicly avow their refolution to pay no regard to any parliamentary restrictions, whether ancient or recent, on their commerce; and that they have not chofen another Sovereign (fays the Author) must be ascribed more to their republican principles than to any remains of loyalty for their lawful Prince.'

Thefe examples will enable our Readers to form fuitable conceptions of the performance under confideration: a performance which may ferve to inflame the paffions, and miflead the judgments of fome; but it will do no honour to the integrity or benevolence of those by whom it was either promoted or executed.

Art. 11. A fecond Appeal to the Justice and Interests of the People, on the Measures refpecting America, by the Author of the first. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Almon. 1775.

We are here presented with an account of the farther progrefs of our unhappy American contest, and of the facts particularly relating to it, that have occurred fince the first appeal was published *; together with many juft and forcible obfervations on the impolicy and deftructive confequences of the focial war carrying on againit the Colonies. And though this appeal difcovers more hafle and lefs accuracy of ftyle than the former, it well deferves an attentive perufal. Our Readers must however be contented, at prefent, with a few extracts from it.

The armament of last year against America, fays the Author, was ten thousand foldiers, and three thoufand feamen. It was then

See Rev. vol, li. p. 474.

fuppofed,

fuppofed, the Americans would not refift. The event has proved they will. That armament is half confumed, without effecting a fingle thing of any confequence. I have converfed with no officer on the fubject, who thinks a main army of less than thirty thousand men, with an adequate train of artillery, ten thousand men for the fouthern part of the continent, and ten thousand feamen including marines, can open the campaign with any poffibility of fuccefs. This estimate I purposely ftate as low as possible. £.

Forty thoufand land forces will be

Staff and hofpital

Building and repairs of ships

Forage, bread, and other contingencies for the fleet

and army

Extra expence

Total for the American war

1,000,000

500,000

600,000

600,000

70,000

100,000

1,000,000 600,coo

4,470,000

It must be remembered, that the peace establishment, together with the intereft of the national debt, entirely exhaufts the prefent fupplies; that the finking fund is almoft emptied; that the debt already incurred for the war we have carried on with America, cannot be less than two millions; and that the neceffities of the civil lift will call this year for half a million. At the lowest computation then, if we are to continue this war, the additional expence of the enfuing year will be seven millions, which must be provided for, by additional taxes. Let us then confider, what we shall lofe in revenue and commerce, during the continuance of an increase of taxes, to furnifh the extraordinary fupplies for this unnatural war. Mr. Glover, whofe knowledge and accuracy is undoubted, eftimates the revenue arifing from North America, actually received, at three hundred thousand pounds per annum. Befides this, the taxes, which are involved in the price of the manufactures we furnish them, and which muft fail with the failure of our exports, cannot be eftimated at lefs than one million. The nett revenue arising from duties and excise on West India productions, is feven hundred thousand pounds, half of which cannot but fail in confequence of this difpute. Your exports to North America were three millions per annum, which were paid for in raw materials, that trebled their value upon being manufactured, and entered deeply into the whole fyftem of your manufac tures and commerce.

Upon this estimate then, observe what must be your over-taxed and ruined fituation.

Additional fupplies for the year 1776

6,470,000

Deficiencies in the revenue

1,650,000

Total equivalent to an actual increase in taxes of

8,120,000

If we add to this the fupplies for the current fervice of

the year which amount to

11,000,000

The fum total will be

19,120,000 • This