tution, but if it proved so, its dangers must have arisen from the le gislators, the guardians of our polity, as to these the proposed commissioners were to be amenable. The new influence might increase ministerial majorities in parliament, but great means of such an aug. mentation must have arisen from any plan for taking the territorial possessions under the direction of the British government. His East India scheme, both in itself and in combination with his other acts, and the series of his conduct, displayed those talents and qualities, which, when joined, place the possessor in the highest rank of statesmen, and shew him fully competent to render to his country the most momentous services. The plan itself is of a mixed character, and liable to many strong objections; yet the impartial examiner will not easily discover, in the whole of this scheme, reasons to convince him, that because Mr. Fox proposed this plan for governing India, it was beneficial to the country to be deprived of the executorial efforts of his transcendent abilities. The historian, unconnected with party, and considering merely the will and power of individuals ar bodies to promote the public good, 'must lament what truth compels him to record, that a personage equalled by so few in extent of capacity and force of cha racter, in fitness for benefiting the nation, during a political life of thirty-five years, should have been enjoyed as a minister by his country only once for three months and a half, and again for seven months and three quarters. The situation of the empire required the united efforts of the greatest political abilities, but Britain was not destined to possess the executorial exertions OF BOTH her most consummate statesmen.'

On the discussion which took place respecting the constitution of Canada, Dr. B. observes that the impartial examiner cannot find a single sentence or even phrase of Mr. Fox, which was not highly favourable to the British constitution.

Referring to the acts restrictive of liberty, introduced by Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville in 1795, the author says:

These acts tended greatly to shake the popularity of Mr. Pitt through the kingdom. However efficient they might be for remedying the specific evils that prevailed, yet even many friends of government thought they did much more than the necessity of the case justified. Persons unconnected with party admitted the expediency of extending the treason-laws to conspiracies for levying war againg the sovereign and constitution; but disapproved of the vague and general description of this new species of treason, including in its overt acts whatever had a tendency to rebel. lion against the king, government, or legislature. This clause they considered as a deviation from the spirit of English laws: it opened, they said, a door for the arbitrary and oppressive constructions which characterize absolute and tyrannical systems; and was therefore contrary the principles and objects of the British constitution. The to restrictions upon the press, imposed by the same act, by many well affected to government were deemed to admit also too much latitude of construction; to subject liter y effort to the control of ministers,

and to enchain the freedom of the press. It was allowed by every candid and impartial man, that the harangues and lectures of demagogues, in periodical and occasional conventicles, were extremely dangerous, and required to be prevented; but, on the other hand, it was asserted, that the laws in existence were sufficient for punishing whatever sedition could be proved to have been uttered; that the whole community ought not to be debarred from assembling, because incendiaries had, in certain assemblies, violated the laws. The right of discussing public measures belongs to every free-born Briton; its exercise promotes his sense of personal importance; the best nourisher of liberty and independence. Other Britons were not to be debarred from enjoying such privileges, because a foolish, virulent, or malignant lecturer, abused his exercise of the same right. The restriction tended to enervate the spirit of freedom, and thus to effect a great, general, and permanent evil, in order to remedy a partial and temporary evil. The most solid and effectual answer to these very forcible objections was, that the obnoxious laws were only intended to be temporary.

The abilities of Mr. Pitt often manifested themselves in turning public opinion into the current which best suited his political views; but one engine he appears not to have estimated with his usual perspicacity: Mr. Pitt laid too little stress upon literary efficacy: while the press is free, literary power will produce great effects on public opinion. The minister was not deemed favourable to writers, as a class pereciving that they had frequently done much mischief in France, he appeared to have drawn an inference too hasty, that they ought to be discouraged in England. The laws in question, and other acts, tended to restrain the market for literary commodities, consequently to do an aggregate hurt to the profession. This effect literary men felt, and many of them strongly and efficiently expressed their feelings: habits of combination, analysis, comparison, and de duction of general principles, enabled them to view and estimate the character of the legislative measures of Mr. Pitt. In these they professed to discover, that the greater part of our new laws had a reference, either to public revenue, or to the security of the monarchical part of the constitution; and that few, of any extensive operation, are of the class that may be denominated popular.'

However defective in polish this production may be, no one who peruses it will deny that the author seems to have possessed the ability, the information, and the industry, which would have enabled him to discharge successfully the task which he imposed on himself. From the preceding account, our readers will judge to what degree the Doctor has employed these means, and in what respects the work may be considered as liable to objections.

Jo.

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ART. IV General View of the Agriculture of Hertfordshire. Drawn for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. By the Secretary of the Board. 6s. sewed. Nicol. 1804.

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8vo. pp. 236.

OMPARATIVE agriculture must serve to stimulate intelligent cultivators to improvement, even if it produces no other benefit. Men of spirit and science cannot endure the thought of being outstripped in the race of public utility, and of possessing the means of enriching themselves without deriving the utmost advantage from such capabilities. The County Surveys, which we have already perused, place our landed gentlemen and farmers in a most respectable point of view: since hence we perceive that Agriculture, which has been not improperly termed "the noblest study of man," is nobly pursued; and that, in all parts of Great Britain, men of knowlege and property are directing their attention to every branch of this subject. From this cause, the General View of Counties, published by the Board of Agriculture, though still deficient in many respects, are more valuable than they otherwise would have been. It was not the want of a Colbert or a Louvois, which occasioned the failure of Louis XIV., when, in 1698, he attempted to obtain a particular description of each province in his kingdom, but the general ignorance which then prevailed among the occupiers of the soil in France. Very different is the case with us: for how many in every part of the island are both able and willing to aid the labours of the professed reporter, and to detail their experiments and the result of their practice for the general good!

In addition to the notices obtained from many respectable agriculturists, Mr. Young is able to subjoin his own experience, having for several years occupied a considerable farm in the county which he now undertakes to describe: a circumstance which, added to his known sagacity of research, cannot fail of stamping a value on the present memoir. To some articles of the printed plan, however, no attention has been given; and in particular we have no mention of the amount of the population. Perhaps the Secretary was unable to satisfy himself on this head but even the impossibility of obtaining an accurate account ought to have been stated.

It appears from this report that Hertfordshire (or Hartfordshire) is situated between the parallels of 51° 37′ and 52° 5' north latitude, measures 28 miles from east to west, 36 from north to south, and 130 in circumference, and contains, in the whole, 302,080 acres.

Chalk is to be found at various depths throughout the county, and a map is given of the surface-soil: but the reader is cautioned against supposing that this map presents an accurate discrimination. The truth (says the Reporter) is that the soils of this county mix and run into each other in a remarkable manner; so that, except in the case of chalk, and that singularly unfertile land, which I term gravel, they are traced and named with a good deal of uncertainty; not for want, I trust, of attention in making the observations, but from the varying qualities of the respective soils.' Having coloured different districts of the map, to express loam, clay, chalk, and gravel, justice required this explanation: but why, under the circumstances of the case, was colouring employed, to render such explanation necessary?

In the section on Water, Mr. Young takes notice of the canals which intersect Hertfordshire, in connection with its Agriculture, and suggests hints for removing the difficulties which at present obstruct the conveyance of manure from the metropolis:

From the information which I could gain on this subject, several arrangements appear to be wanted, before this great work can be turned to all the advantage which the agriculture of Hertfordshire should derive from it. It appears that the benefit of bringing bulky manures, is extremely questionable at present; and the fact is, that vast quantities of hay and straw go to London, from the very banks of the canal, by land-carriage, the carts bringing dung back, which does not answer when brought by the navigation. There is an apparent absurdity in this, which should be removed. It seems to arise from the want of magazines and wharfs at Paddington, where a hay and straw market should be immediately established, so that both articles might be sold directly from the barges, which should be immediately loaded with manures from the wharfs Proper steps have not been taken hitherto to effect these objects; and till such are determined and well executed, the obvious benefits of the work will be too speculative to effect those great improvements which ought to result from it. A beast and sheep market there should also be esta blished, which would prove very beneficial to all the central grazing counties. Manures come at too heavy an expence, from the double cartage at London, which might very easily be prevented. When these necessary arrangements shall have been effected, we shall see land carriage parallel to the line of the canal laid aside; and a consi.

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derable saving will be made by the non-employment of many horses; the roads will be consequently preserved; and the use of manures will be greatly extended among the farmers who live within reach of the canal.'

The remark under the heads of Estate and the size of Farms merits notice:

:

• Property in Hertfordshire is much divided the vicinity of the capital; the goodness of the air and roads, and the beauty of the country, have much contributed to this circumstance, by making this county a favourite residence, and by attracting great numbers of wealthy persons to purchase land for building villas: this has multiplied estates in a manner unknown in the more distant counties. About 7000l. a-year is the largest estate in the county: there are six or seven from 3 to 4000l.; more of about 2000l.; and below that sum, of every value.

In the more eastern counties, the farmers have been very considerable purchasers of land; a circumstance that has not happened, except in very few instances, in Hertfordshire. The farms are not large, and the expences of agriculture are higher than common; which may account for the want of this sign of farming wealth.'

The inquiry into the benefits of large and small farms, as a general question, belongs not to a County Report; but the vicinity to London, which influences so materially the cultivation of Hertfordshire, demands a local observation. It is the general opinion of the district, that the soil cannot be kept in that degree of fertility necessary to support the rental and other expences of it, without bringing large quantities of manure from the capital; a business indifferently executed on very small farms. All the exertions of this kind, which claimed any notice, are upon large ones; so much so, that I have little doubt but that the greatest breadth of land thus dressed, in proportion to the size of the farms, has been upon the two greatest in the county, though one of them, Mr. Doo's of Bygrave, is near forty miles from London; and the fact may fairly be used in argument against an indiscriminate condemnation of large farms. Another circumstance which should be noticed here is, the general predilection for the application of the sheep fold, which is more universal in this county than in any other with which I am acquainted. What a system of waste, both of time and labour, must it be, to set a fold for 20 or 30 sh.ep! In proportion, therefore, as folding is necessary, a large farm is necessary; for it cannot be practised advantageously on any other.'

The plashing of fences, as practised in Hertfordshire, is recommended, and, where beauty is required, the clipping of them: but Mr. Y. observes that hedges thus treated 'cease to be the collieries of a county: a most material objection where fuel is scarce. By the sides of public roads, it is advisable to trim up the hedges, and to keep them low: but, independently of the imprudence of destroying these vegetable collieries, the general effect on the landscape would be far from beautiful.

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