same description. The son does not appear at the interment of his father but with a mourning cloth soiled and blackened with ashes; to have it white and clean would be considered grossly indecent. The Li-Ki says positively that the linen with which this is made ought never to be or have been washed.

As to the cloth of mourning which Mordecai wore on the occasion of the edict of proscription and death issued by Ahasuerus, we find in the great commentary of Li-Ki circumstances recorded in which the ancient Chinese clothed themselves in mourning habits sometimes more dolorous than even for the death of their parents:-1. In public calamities, in order to shew that they bowed themselves in submission to the rod of Tien, and that they were grieved at having provoked his anger by their misdeeds. We find in the annals that China being afflicted with a seven years' drought, Tching Tong clothed himself in a garment of bamboo, cut his nails and hair in testimony of grief, fasted and withdrew into the desert of Sang to conjure Tien to punish him only. 2. After a victory, to teach the people the value of the life of man, and augment their regard for those who had sacrificed theirs in the defence of their country; and to remind them of the sad results of even successful war. 3. When any one was in disgrace with the prince. When a grandee is disgraced, says the LiKi, he takes the cloth and cap of mourning, casts away his shoes, cuts his nails, and combs not his hair. It is also said in the Kia-yu of Confucius, that the great mandarins took clothes of mourning when they came to throw themselves at the feet of the prince to ask pardon for their faults; but the missionaries doubt the authority of this information.

4. Esther's maids and her chamberlains (eunuchs) came and told it her.'-In China the empress has a great number of eunuchs in her service. Among these eunuchs there are some who possess the grade and honourable title of mandarins. He who is at the head of the house, whom they call Tsong-Kouen, or superintendant-general, receives

EUNUCH OF THE TURKISH SERAGLIO.

his orders from the mouth of the empress. He is charged with their delivery to the subalterns, to see them executed, and to render an account to his mistress. Such, to Esther, was Hatach, whom the king had made her first officer. Under whatever circumstances the household of the empress is formed, it is the emperor who nominates the Tsong-Kouen; but he generally appoints the person she prefers, unless he should think her much deceived in her choice, or desires to mortify her. The employment of

the Tsong-Kouen to the empress is one of those in the imperial household which requires the most integrity and discretion, because this officer is in fact the minister of the empress for the government of the seraglio. None are exalted to this charge but old eunuchs, who have merited confidence by a long course of faithful service, and who, so far from sowing divisions, which they might very easily do, seek to keep all things peaceable amongst themselves and their inferiors. The most essential and the most difficult part of this employment is to content equally the empress and emperor; and as he could only succeed in this by strengthening the bonds of their union, it is his interest to devote himself to that object. However, as he is the right hand of the empress and the ruler of her house, the just ordering of her affairs is to him a duty and an honour. For the sake of his mistress he must endeavour to prevent her taking any wrong steps; he must charge himself with her faults, and indeed be ready to sacrifice himself for her interests. If in the Chinese history we read of some who have been false and traitorous, and have acted in the intrigues devised against the empress, and by conspiracies precipitated her into the abyss of disgrace, we find a far greater number whose fidelity has bordered on heroism, and who prefer to lose all rather than become a party to iniquitous intrigues against their mistress. Generally speaking, the Tsong-Kouen is a chosen eunuch, who has gained the confidence of the empress, and justifies that confidence by his good conduct.

11. Whosoever, whether man or woman, shall come unto the king into the inner court, who is not called, there is one law of his to put him to death.'-Thus in China it is exceedingly difficult to present any memorial to the emperor, who may long be kept in ignorance of what is passing in the empire. A Chinese author has said, that all the roads lengthen as they approach the throne.' The couriers keep the posts in activity and speed day and night without ceasing, to and from all parts of the empire; but what happens within a mile of his palace does not arrive at the prince for a month; it may be eight months before he hears what happens two miles off; and often a year elapses before he hears what passes within a hundred miles. The theory of the law supposes the emperor to be accurately informed of all that passes in the empire; and it would appear that in old times the sovereign was sufficiently accessible to the complaints and suits of his subjects. But for many ages past great care has been taken to prevent him from being annoyed with petitions of individuals, or representations adverse to the men in power. When the emperor appears in public, indeed, the inferior mandarins have the right of kneeling by the wayside, and of then holding up any memorials they wish to submit to the emperor, who sends to take them from their hand: but this procedure is often dangerous to the party from the notice it attracts. The missionary Castiglione once undertook the responsibility of presenting a petition to the emperor, as his majesty was in the room where he painted. But although Castiglione was a mandarin, and as such entitled to present a petition in the ordinary way, he violated the law by this private presentation. The emperor turned pale with astonishment, and said to him, Thou art a stranger; thou knowest not our laws: what thou hast done deserves death.' The monk knew this before; but was willing to face death for the cause to which his life was devoted, and to which the petition related.

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The law here mentioned was a general one, and although, in its original intention, the queen was probably not thought of, the present queen knew that she was not necessarily exempted from its application. We have frequent instances that the proverbially fixed laws of the Medes and Persians admitted less than any other ever known of modification, exemption, or alteration. Of this we have another instance just below; for Mordecai was persuaded that a general law for the destruction of the Jews having been issued, even the queen herself would not be spared when it became known that she was a Jewess; and so, afterwards, in her addresses to the king, we see that Esther considers her own life compromised by the

edict. With regard to the present instance, it was known to the Greek historians that none were admitted to the king without being called; but they do not appear to have known that queens and princesses were included in the application of this rule. They give many incidental statements concerning the difficulty of access to the king. The rule seems to have been that even when the king was in his outer apartments, no one was admitted to his presence uncalled or unannounced; and that when in his interior residence, not even the most dignified inhabitants of the interior palace might presume to appear before him unbidden. The historians relate that the freedom of access to the sovereign presence was first checked by Dejoces, king of Media, who directed that no one, of whatever rank, should appear before him unless specially called, but that all business should be transacted through messengers and ministers, his nearest attendants only being allowed to see his face. The Persians adopted this and other regulations of the Median court; hence we may understand the distinction allowed to the seven princes who saw the king's face,' that is, who might appear before him uncalled. Even these, however, were not admitted when any of the king's wives were with him; and this restriction enabled the king to see them as little as he pleased, as the doorkeeper had only to intimate that the king was thus engaged. One of the privileged nobles, who disbelieved the excuse, cut off the ears and noses of the two doorkeepers; for which he and all his family (excepting his wife and eldest son)

were punished with death (Herodotus, i. 99; iii. 118, 119). Subject to variations from individual character, most Oriental kings have, in like manner, rendered their presence rare and of difficult approach,-not only as a precaution against treachery, but in order that their subjects, seeing them but seldom, and never but in circumstances of state and splendour-never under conditions of human infirmities and wants-might be brought to regard them as beings of a higher and finer nature, and might hence the more cheerfully submit to the powers which they wield, and which are usually far greater than those with which it seems safe or proper that a man should be intrusted. The effect is well calculated; for it is difficult to imagine the intense veneration with which the royal person is and has been regarded in Persia and other countries of the East.

-The golden sceptre.'-That the Persian king had a golden sceptre we learn from Xenophon, who makes Cyrus say, among other things, to Cambyses, his son and appointed successor, Know, Cambyses, that it is not the golden sceptre which can preserve your kingdom; but faithful friends are a prince's truest and securest sceptre.' Cyrop., viii. 7. In the Persepolitan sculptures we do not perceive that the kings bear any other sceptre than that long staff which is represented in the cuts to Ezra. i., and without which the king never appears, under whatever circumstances represented.

595

CHAPTER V.

1 Esther, adventuring on the king's favour, obtaineth the grace of the golden sceptre, and inviteth the hing and Haman to a banquet. 6 She, being encouraged by the king in her suit, inviteth them to another banquet the next day. 9 Haman, proud of his advancement, repineth at the contempt of Mordecai. 14 By the counsel of Zeresh he buildeth for him a gallows.

Now it came to pass on the third day, that Esther put on her royal apparel, and stood in the inner court of the king's house, over against the king's house and the king sat upon his royal throne in the royal house, over against the gate of the house.

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2 And it was so, when the king saw Esther the queen standing in the court, that she obtained favour in his sight: and the king held out to Esther the golden sceptre that was in his hand. So Esther drew near, and touched the top of the sceptre.

3 Then said the king unto her, What wilt thou, queen Esther? and what is thy request? it shall be even given thee to the half of the kingdom.

4 And Esther answered, If it seem good unto the king, let the king and Haman come this day unto the banquet that I have prepared for him.

5 Then the king said, Cause Haman to make haste, that he may do as Esther hath said. So the king and Haman came to the banquet that Esther had prepared.

6 ¶ And the king said unto Esther at the banquet of wine, What is thy petition? and it shall be granted thee: and what is thy request? even to the half of the kingdom it shall be performed.

1 Heb. to do.

7 Then answered Esther, and said, My petition and my request is;

8 If I have found favour in the sight of the king, and if it please the king to grant my petition, and 'to perform my request, let the king and Haman come to the banquet that I shall prepare for them, and I will do to morrow as the king hath said.

9 Then went Haman forth that day joyful and with a glad heart: but when Haman saw Mordecai in the king's gate, that he stood not up, nor moved for him, he was full of indignation against Mordecai.

10 Nevertheless Haman refrained himself: and when he came home, he sent and 'called for his friends, and Zeresh his wife.

11 And Haman told them of the glory of his riches, and the multitude of his children, and all the things wherein the king had promoted him, and how he had advanced him above the princes and servants of the king.

12 Haman said moreover, Yea, Esther the queen did let no man come in with the king unto the banquet that she had prepared but myself; and to morrow am I invited unto her also with the king.

13 Yet all this availeth me nothing, so long as I see Mordecai the Jew sitting at the king's gate.

14 Then said Zeresh his wife and all his friends unto him, Let a 'gallows be made of fifty cubits high, and to morrow speak thou unto the king that Mordecai may be hanged. thereon: then go thou in merrily with the king unto the banquet. And the thing pleased Haman; and he caused the gallows to be made.

Verse 1. Stood in the inner court of the king's house."This was obviously the more private residence of the king, not only from the mention of the inner court, but because it is certain that the queen would not have appeared at a more public levee in the outer palace. Yet he was seated in state upon his throne, and sceptre in hand, whence it may seem that he was holding some such levee, for determining the affairs of his imperial establishment, as we have in a former note described the present kings of the same country as holding daily within the haram. That the king, sitting in the hall, saw Esther when she appeared in the court, is explained by the circumstance that in Persian palaces the principal and most splendid apartment is always entirely open in front (unless closed by a curtain), so that the king, seated at the upper end of the hall, with his face towards the court, has a complete view over it. At audiences and levees the nobles and others stand in the open court, unless individuals are called by name into the hall. The princes of the blood and a few high functionaries have however the privilege of ordinarily standing in the hall or its portico. Some idea of these arrangements is afforded

by the annexed engraving, which represents the more public levee of an eastern court.

3. 'It shall be even given thee to the half of the kingdom.— This form of speech has an evident reference to the custom among the ancient kings of Persia in bestowing grants or pensions to their favourites. This was not by payments from the treasury, but by charges upon the revenues of particular provinces or cities. Thus a particular city or province was to support the luxury of the favoured person in a particular article, another in some other article, and so on. In this manner, when Xerxes wished to make a magnificent provision for Themistocles, he gave him the city of Magnesia for his bread, Myonta for his meat and other victuals, and Lampsacus for his wine. This enabled him to live in great splendour. (Diodorus, xi. 12; Plutarch, Vit. Themist.) Thus also provision was made for the wants and luxuries of the queens,-one city or province being given them for clothes, another for their hair, another for their necklaces, and so on for the rest of their expenses. Herodotus mentions that the revenues of the city of Anthylla in Egypt were assigned by the Persians to

the queen for the cost of her sandals (Euterpe, 98). And mention is made of a Greek ambassador to Persia who spent a whole day in travelling through a district called (in consequence of such assignment) the Queen's Girdle;' and another in traversing a territory styled the Queen's Head-dress.' (Socrates, in Plat. Alcibiad.) To speak therefore of giving unto the half of the kingdom,' has a sort of exaggerated propriety which could not, without such explanation, be well understood. The above statement may also suggest some ideas concerning the cost and splendour of Queen Esther's royal apparel.'

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12 The queen did let no man come in with the king unto the banquet. but myself.'-It appears from this book, as well as from Greek authors, that, although there is a great resemblance in general usage, the queens of Persia were allowed far greater liberty and respect than they now enjoy. No queen now would think of inviting a man to her banquet; nor perhaps would this have been allowable in the present instance had not the king also been present. To couple Haman with the king in the invitation was a most flattering distinction, of which both appear to have been fully sensible. As there is so much said of eating and drinking in this book, we will, once for all, introduce an interesting description from Athenæus (iv. 145, after Heraclides of Cuma) of the usages of the ancient Persian court in this matter. From this account, which is well corroborated, it appears that of the king's guests the greater number ate without, so as to be seen by all; while the remainder and more distinguished dined with the monarch in the interior. Yet even these last did not properly eat with the king. There were in the interior palace two

apartments opposite each other, in one of which sat the king, and in the other his guests. The prince saw them through a screen which rendered him invisible to them. On feast days, they sometimes dined all together in a large hall. When the king gave a banquet (which often happened) he did not admit more than twelve persons. The prince then ate apart, after which an eunuch called the guests to come and drink with the king, which they did, but not with the same wine. (This explains what is meant by a banquet of wine.') They sat upon the ground (carpeted, doubtless), and the prince reclined upon a couch with golden feet (answering to the beds of gold and silver' of ch. i. 6, and the 'bed' of ch. vii. 8). But the king usually ate alone, or sometimes his wife or some of his sons were admitted to his table; and it was the custom for the young women of the haram to sing before him at his meals. The repast of the king was very magnificent. There were killed daily for the service of the palace not less than a thousand victims-such as horses, camels, oxen, asses, and particularly sheep; besides various kinds of fowl. The greater part of these meats, as well as the bread, were destined for the support of the guards and various satellites of the court; being carried into the peristyle of the palace, and there distributed in rations. At the entertainments each guest had his portion set before him, and carried away that which he did not eat.-This account in many of its circumstances agrees with the present usages of Persia; and we believe there are few passages of Scripture alluding to Persian entertainments which will not be explained by a reference to it.

597

CHAPTER VI.

1 Ahasuerus, reading in the chronicles of the good service done by Mordecai, taketh care for his reward. 4 Haman, coming to sue that Mordecai might be hanged, unawares giveth counsel that he might do him honour. 12 Complaining of his misfortune, his friends tell him of his final destiny.

On that night 'could not the king sleep, and he commanded to bring the book of records of the chronicles; and they were read before the king.

2 And it was found written, that Mordecai had told of "Bigthana and Teresh, two of the king's chamberlains, the keepers of the 'door, who sought to lay hand on the king

8 'Let the royal apparel be brought which the king useth to wear, and the horse that the king rideth upon, and the crown royal which is set upon his head:

9 And let this apparel and horse be delivered to the hand of one of the king's most noble princes, that they may array the man withal whom the king delighteth to honour, and bring him on horseback through the street of the city, and proclaim before him, Thus shall it be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour.

10 Then the king said to Haman, Make haste, and take the apparel and the horse, as thou hast said, and do even so to Mordecai the Jew, that sitteth at the king's gate: let nothing fail of all that thou hast spoken.

11 Then took Haman the apparel and the horse, and arrayed Mordecai, and brought him on horseback through the street of the city, and proclaimed before him, Thus shall it be done unto the man whom the king delighteth to honour.

12 ¶ And Mordecai came again to the king's gate. But Haman hasted to his house mourning, and having his head covered.

13 And Haman told Zeresh his wife and all his friends every thing that had befallen him. Then said his wise men and Zeresh his wife unto him, If Mordecai be of the seed of the Jews, before whom thou hast begun to fall, thou shalt not prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before him.

14 And while they were yet talking with him, came the king's chamberlains, and hasted to bring Haman unto the banquet that Esther had prepared.

4 Heb. in whose honour the king delighteth. 7 Heb. wherewith the king clothed himself. Heb. suffer not a whit to fall.

Verse 1. The book of records of the chronicles.'-In the three books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther, there are many passages which intimate the care taken by the Persian government to register every occurrence. The testimony of the Greek writers is to the same effect, and is accompanied by details which sufficiently instruct us in the whole system. We have before seen something similar in the courts of the Hebrew kings, and the practice has prevailed in other Oriental nations; but we know of no nation which took so much pains as the Persians to preserve the memory of its exploits by written documents. They have all perished, with the exception of the few extracts preserved in these books and in the older Greek historians. The Persians do not appear, at this early period, to have had any historical poets, such as they had at a much later time, and still less any real historians. Heeren seems to have well discriminated the character of their history as being essentially connected with their policy, and a necessary fruit of the despotism which reigned among them, and of the profound veneration with which the kings were regarded. All that the king did or

said was deemed worthy of registration. He was usually surrounded by scribes whose duty it was to take note of his words and actions: they were rarely absent from him, and always attended when he appeared in public. They were present at his festivals, at his reviews of the army, and attended him in the tumult of battle, and registered whatever words fell from him on these occasions. They were equally charged with the registration of edicts and ordinances, which, according to the usage of the East, were written in the king's presence, sealed with his ring, and then despatched by couriers. Such were the sources of the royal journals or chronicles of Persia, which were deposited in the different capitals of the empire where the king resided at Babylon, Susa, and Ecbatana, and formed the archives of this people. But, properly speaking, they must have formed rather the history of the court than of the empire, and certainly appear to have embraced many anecdotes of even the private life and sayings of the king. From the incident in the text, it appears that the kings sometimes had these journals read to them.

Many corroborative and illustrative anecdotes might be