of home and foreign policy would thus have no better security than that of the dictate of a casual and fluctuating vote. The moral effect on the Members themselves would be equally injurious, the suggestions of self-will, caprice, or passion taking the place of a common allegiance to clearly understood principles, and of a generous and mutual reliance in pursuit of a common aim. Not, indeed, that the claims of party loyalty must or can stifle clear individual convictions, or interfere with their expression on suitable occasions. But a conscientious man and good patriot will be careful to put his convictions to a severe test before he interprets them in such a way that they prevent him joining in common action with his usual associates; and it will only be when he has in vain striven to bring his own party over to his own views, and he is convinced that the question is one in which practical co-operation on his part would involve dishonesty that he will reluctantly take the serious step of renouncing his party and choosing his own path. The nature and limits of party loyalty have been well expressed by Edmund Burke in his "Thoughts on the Causes of the Present Discontents:"

"Men thinking freely will, in particular instances, think differently. But still as the greater part of the measures which arise in the course of public business are related to, or dependent on, some great, leading, general principles of government, a man must be peculiarly unfortunate in the choice of his political company, if he does not agree with them nine times in ten. If he does not concur in the general principles upon which the party is founded, and which necessarily draw on a concurrence in their application, he ought from the beginning to have chosen some other, more conformable to his opinions. When the question is in its nature doubtful, or not very material, the modesty which becomes an individual and (in spite of our court moralists) that partiality which becomes a well-chosen friendship, will frequently bring on an acquiescence in the general sentiment. Thus the disagreement will naturally be rare; and it will only be

enough to indulge freedom without violating concord or disturbing arrangement."

Some Members profess to belong to no party, and sometimes vote on one side and sometimes on the other. These are called "Independent Members." Again, it is only some questions which are considered as party questions, and with respect to which all the Members of the same party vote together, whatever be their individual opinions. Most of the questions proposed by the Government (the name now given to the Queen's Ministers as a body) are party questions, on which all the Members who support the Government are expected to vote in favour of the measure, and those who belong to the opposite party to vote against it. It is from one or other of the great parties, that is, the Liberals or the Conservatives, that the Queen chooses all her Ministers for the time being. It depends upon which party has most votes in the House whether the Ministers are chosen from one party or from the other. The Ministers of the Queen, with their supporters, sit on one side of the House, that is, on the right hand of the Speaker, and are called the "Government.” The Members of the opposite party sit on the left hand of the Speaker, that is, opposite the Members of the Government, and are called the "Opposition." The "Independent Members" sit on what are called "cross benches."

The Opposition are usually highly organised among themselves, and criticise searchingly all the measures introduced by the Government, and the details of its administration. If they think it expedient, they move for a resolution of censure on some act of the Government, or of general want of confidence. If such a motion be carried, the Government resign. So when the measures of the Government have been voted against by constant majorities of Members, or when a very important Bill of the Government has been rejected, the members of the Government hold that they have lost the confidence of the House and resign their offices into the Queen's hands. Sometimes a

motion of "Want of Confidence" in the Government is proposed and debated at length. If such a motion be carried, the members of the Government resign as before.

When the members of the Government resign, it is customary for the Queen to call upon some prominent member of the opposite party to "form a Government"—that is, to invite a number of members of his party to join with him in taking the different offices vacated by the members of the "Government" going out. Sometimes it is very difficult, or takes some days, to form a Government, and perhaps it may be almost impossible to form one, owing to members not being willing to co-operate with the proposed "Prime Minister," or to take the offices offered them. In this case, the Queen often urges the members of the former Government to remain in office, and they occasionally consent to do this, and things go on for a time as before.

It is to be noted that the party struggle above described, and the defeats of the Government, go on in the House of Lords as well as in the House of Commons. There are always members of the Government in both Houses. As, however, there is far less business in the House of Lords than in the House of Commons, and as popular passion is less heated, most of the great party contests take place in the House of Commons; and, since the majority of the members of the House of Lords is always "Conservative," a Liberal Government does not necessarily resign on account of defeats or votes of censure in that House.

The task of selecting a member who shall be asked, on a resignation, to form a Government, is the most important part of the Queen's personal work at the present day, though it has long been the constitutional practice to resort first to the most prominent member of the party which is in opposition to the retiring Government. The members of the retiring Government continue to hold office till their successors are actually appointed.

The functions of the "Government" are twofold:

(1) They take a special part in directing the legislative work of Parliament by preparing Bills on public matters affecting the whole community, or by joining to resist Bills introduced by members not belonging to the Government if they think the Bills not likely to be useful.

Thus some of the Bills introduced into the House are called "Government" Bills; others are Bills of Private Members.

This is not the same distinction as that between a Public and a Private Bill. A Private Bill is a Bill affecting solely the interest of some particular person or body of persons, and not obviously that of the whole community. A Public Bill

is one in which the interests of the whole community are affected. There is a difference in the procedure with respect to. “Public” and “Private" Bills, the House taking especial care in the case of Private Bills to ascertain by a judicial process that no person is injuriously affected by it without full consideration.

(2) The other function of the Government is purely Executive. Every member of the Government is, with rare exceptions, the head of a department of the public service, and as such has definite work to do during the day. Furthermore, he has to suggest to the other members of the Government the legislation needed in the matters belonging to his own department, and with their consent to prepare Bills for introduction into the House to which he belongs. He has also to be ready to answer questions relative to the business of his department which may be put to him by any Member of the House, and of which proper notice shall have been previously given.

An important part of the work of a member of the Government is the reception of Deputations at his office,that is, receiving a number of persons who have some grievance to complain of, or some request with respect to legislation to prefer, in the matters relating to his depart

ment. In such a case a few of the persons attending make speeches in turn, explaining what they complain of or want, and the minister replies, saying that he either agrees or disagrees or partially agrees with the speakers, and possibly saying what he will do in the future. Members of Parliament generally accompany and take part in the Deputations.

The formal meetings of all the members of the Government are called "Cabinet Councils." They take place at irregular intervals, according to the pressure of business.

It is at these councils that all the joint acts and general policy of the Government are debated and resolved upon. It is here that the form of the Queen's Speech is agreed upon and settled.*

THE MEMBERS

OF THE CABINET AND OTHER CHIEF OFFICERS OF THE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

It is a matter of some dispute how far the "Cabinet," as a select body of the Queen's ministers, is a recognised part of the Constitution. The Cabinet would seem to be in that semi-congealed condition in which institutions appear when they have come to be practically recognised, but not yet formally and openly adopted. For a long time the Privy Council represented the only body of persons who were responsible for the acts of the Crown, and it was even attempted by the Act of Settlementt to make each member of the Council sign the governmental acts for which he was personally responsible. It has been found, however, by a long course of experience,

* See p. IL

+ See Appendix A, p. 216.