to sir William Trumbal, and confessed the scheme of assassination in which he had been engaged. Porter and Pendergrass were apprehended together. This last insisted upon the king's promise, that he should not be compelled to give evidence; but, when Porter owned himself guilty, the other observed, he was no longer bound to be silent, as his friend had made a confession; and they were both admitted as evidences for the crown.

§ XXX. After their examination, the king, in a speech to both houses, communicated the nature of the conspiracy against his life, as well as the advices he had received touching the invasion: he explained the steps he had taken to defeat the double design, and professed his confidence in their readiness and zeal to concur with him in every thing that should appear necessary for their common safety. That same evening the two houses waited upon him at Kensington, in a body, with an affectionate address, by which they expressed their abhorrence of the villanous and barbarous design which had been formed against his sacred person, of which they besought him to take more than ordinary care. They assured him they would to the utmost defend his life, and support his government against the late king James, and all other enemies; and declared, that, in case his majesty should come to a violent death, they would revenge it upon his adversaries and their adherents. He was extremely well pleased with this warm address, and assured them, in his turn, he would take all opportunities of recommending himself to the continuance of their loyalty and affection. The commons forthwith empowered him, by bill, to secure all persons suspected of conspiring against his person and government. They brought in another, providing, that, in case of his majesty's death, the parliament then in being should continue until dissolved by the next heir in succession to the crown, established by act of parliament: that if his majesty should chance to die between two parliaments, that which had been last dissolved should immediately reassemble, and sit for the despatch of national affairs. They voted an address, to desire, that his majesty would banish by proclamation, all papists to the distance of ten miles from the cities of London and Westminster; and give instructions to the judges going on the circuits, to put

the laws in execution against Roman catholics and nonjurors. They drew up an association, binding themselves to assist each other in support of the king and his government, and to revenge any violence that should be committed on his person. This was signed by all the members then present: but, as some had absented themselves on frivolous pretences, the house ordered, that in sixteen days the absentees should either subscribe or declare their refu sal. Several members neglecting to comply with this injunction within the limited time, the speaker was ordered to write to those who were in the country, and demand a peremptory answer; and the clerk of the house attended such as pretended to be ill in town. The absentees, finding themselves pressed in this manner, thought proper to sail with the stream, and sign the association, which was presented to the king by the commons in a body, with a request that it might be lodged among the records in the Tower, as a perpetual memorial of their loyalty and affection. The king received them with uncommon complacency: declared, that he heartily entered into the same association; that he should be always ready to venture his life with his good subjects, against all who should endeavour to subvert the religion, laws, and liberties of England; and he promised that this, and all other associations, should be lodged among the records of the Tower of London. Next day the commons resolved, that whoever should affirm an association was illegal should be deemed a promoter of the designs of the late king James, and an enemy to the laws and liberties of the kingdom. The lords followed the example of the lower house in drawing up an association; but the earl of Nottingham, sir Edward Seymour, and Mr. Finch, objected to the words rightful and lawful, as applied to his majesty. They said, as the crown and its prerogatives were vested in him, they would yield obedience, though they could not acknowledge him as their rightful and lawful king. Nothing could be more absurd than this distinction, started by men who had actually constituted part of the administration; unless they supposed that the right of king William expired with queen Mary. The earl of Rochester proposed an expedient in favour of such tender consciences, by altering the words that gave offence;

and this was adopted accordingly. Fifteen of the peers, and ninety-two commoners signed the association with re-, luctance. It was, however, subscribed by all sorts of people in different parts of the kingdom; and the bishops drew up a form for the clergy, which was signed by a great majority. The commons brought in a bill, declaring all men incapable of public trust, or of sitting in parliament, who would not engage in this association. At the same time, the council issued an order for renewing all the commissions in England, that those who had not signed it voluntarily should be dismissed from the service as disaffected persons.

This

§ XXXI. After these warm demonstrations of loyalty, the commons proceeded upon ways and means for raising the supplies. A new bank was constituted as a fund, upon which the sum of two millions five hundred and sixty-four thousand pounds should be raised; and it was called the Land Bank, because established on land securities.* scheme, said to have been projected by the famous Dr. Chamberlain, was patronized by the earl of Sunderland, and managed by Foley and Harley; so that it seemed to be a tory plan, which Sunderland supported, in order to reconcile himself to that party. The bank of England

* An. 1696:

e Burnet. Qldmixon. Boyer. Tindal. Ralph. Lives of the Admirals. f The commons resolved, That a fund redeemable by parliament be settled in a national land bank, to be raised by new subscriptions; That no persons be concerned in both banks at the same time; That the duties upon coal, culm, and tonnage of ships, be taken off, from the seventeenth day of March; That the sum of two millions five hundred and sixty-four thousand pounds be raised on this perpetual fund, redeemable by parliament; That the new bank should be restrained from lending money but upon land securities, or to the government in the exchequer; That for making up the fund of interest for the capital stock, certain duties upon glass wares, stone, and earthen bottles, granted before to the king for a term of years, be continued to his majesty, his heirs, and successors; That a further duty be laid upon stone and earthen ware, and another upon tobacco pipes. This bank was to lend out five hundred thousand pounds a year upon land securities, at three pounds ten shillings per cent. per annum, and to cease and determine, unless the subscription should be full, by the first day of August next ensuing.

The most remarkable laws enacted in this session were these: An act for voiding all the elections of parliament men, at which the elected had been at any expense in meat, drink, or money, to procure votes. Another against unlawful and double returns. A third, for the more easy recovery of small tithes. A fourth, to prevent marriages, without license or banns. A fifth, for enabling the inhabitants of Wales to dispose of all their personal estates as they should think fit; This law was in bar of a custom that had prevailed in that country: The widows and younger children claimed a share of the effects, called the reasonable part, although the effects had been otherwise disposed of by will or deed. The parliament likewise passed an act, for preventing the exportation of wool, and encouraging the importation thereof from Ireland. An aet

petitioned against this bill, and were heard by their counsel; but their representations produced no effect, and the bill, having passed through both houses, received the royal assent. On the twenty-seventh day of April the king closed the session with a short but gracious speech; and the parliament was prorogued to the sixteenth day of June.

§ XXXII. Before this period some of the conspirators had been brought to trial. The first who suffered was Robert Charnock, one of the two fellows of Magdalen college, who, in the reign of James, had renounced the protestant religion; the next were lieutenant King, and Thomas Keys, which last had been formerly a trumpeter, but of late servant to captain Porter. They were found guilty of high treason, and executed at Tyburn. They delivered papers to the sheriff, in which they solemnly declared, that they had never seen or heard of any commission from king James for assassinating the prince of Orange: Charnock, in particular, observed, that he had received frequent assurances of the king's having rejected such proposals when they had been offered; and that there was no other commission but that for levying war in the usual form. Sir John Friend and sir William Perkins were tried in April. The first, from mean beginnings, had acquired great wealth and credit, and always firmly adhered to the interest of king James. The other was likewise a man of fortune, violently attached to the same principles, though he had taken the oaths to the present government, as one of the six clerks in chancery. Porter, and Blair, another evidence, deposed that sir John Friend had been concerned in levying men under a commission from king James; and that he knew of the assassination plot, though not engaged in it as a personal actor. He endeavoured to invalidate the testimony of Blair, by proving him guilty of the most shocking ingratitude. He observed, that both the evidences were reputed papists. The curate of Hackney,

for encouraging the linen manufactures of Ireland. An act for regulating juries. An act for encouraging the Greenland trade. An act of indulgence to the quakers, that their solemn affirmation should be accepted instead of an oath. And an act for continuing certain other acts that were near expiring. Another bill had passed for the better regulating elections for members of parliament; but the royal assent was denied. The question was put in the house of commons, that whosoever advised his majesty not to give his assent to that bill was an enemy to his country; but it was rejected by a great majority.

who officiated as chaplain in the prisoner's house, declared upon oath that after the revolution he used to pray for king William, and that he had often heard sir John Friend say, that though he could not comply with the present government, he would live peaceably under it, and never engage in any conspiracy. Mr. Hoadly, father of the present bishop of Winchester, added, that the prisoner was a good protestant, and frequently expressed his detestation of kingkilling principles. Friend himself owned he had been with some of the conspirators at a meeting in Leadenhall street, but heard nothing of raising men, or any design against the government. He likewise affirmed, that a consultation to levy war was not treason; and that his being at a treasonable consult could amount to no more than a misprision of treason. Lord chief justice Holt declared, that although a bare conspiracy, or design to levy war, was not treason within the statute of Edward III. yet if the design or conspiracy be to kill, or depose, or imprison the king, by the means of levying war, then the consultation and conspiracy to levy war becomes high treason, though no war be actually levied. The same inference might have been drawn against the authors and instruments of the revolution. The judge's explanation influenced the jury, who, after some deliberation, found the prisoner guilty. Next day sir William Perkins was brought to the bar, and upon the testimony of Porter, Ewebank, his own groom, and Haywood, a notorious informer, was convicted of having been concerned not only in the invasion, but also in the design against the king's life. The evidence was scanty, and the prisoner having been bred to the law, made an artful and vigorous defence: but the judge acted as counsel for the crown; and the jury decided by the hints they received from the bench. He and sir John Friend underwent the sentence of death, and suffered at Tyburn on the third day of April. Friend protested before God, that he knew of no immediate descent purposed by king James, and therefore had made no preparations; that he was utterly ignorant of the assassination scheme: that he died in the communion of the church of England, and laid down his life cheerfully in the cause for which he suffered. Perkins declared, upon the word of a dying man, that the