(in -eo, -es, -et, &c., not -eo, -is, -it, &c.) and by the form of the perfect (which is never in -ivi). On the other hand, we must distinguish the causative verbs in -do, Greek -Ow, from the aorist formations in -Oŋv, -ŋv, which involve the element ya, and have precisely the converse meaning. Of these latter forms enough has been said elsewhere (New Crat. §§ 379, sqq.). I will only remark in passing, that the explanation of these forms will not justify the monstrosity éypnyóplaot, in which all the grammarians have acquiesced. As this word rests only on a single passage (Hom. Il. X. 419) and as the context shows (cf. Il VII. 371; XVIII. 299) that the true reading is: οἱ δ ̓ ἐγρήγορθαί τε φυλασσέμεναί τε κέλονται ἀλλήλοις, the portentous éypnyóplaσi should be expunged from all dictionaries and grammars. The 2nd pers. plur. éypnyople, and the infin. pyopłat are easily justifiable. But to return to the Latin verbs in -i, while we observe an obstinate retention of the characteristics in all other inflexions, we not unfrequently find that the perfect and its participle (E. III.) are formed as from the naked root. Thus from amic-io we have amixi, amic-tus, from aper-io, aper-ui, aper-tus, from haur-io, hau-si, haus-tus, from sent-io, sen-si, sen-sus, from ven-io, vēn-i, ven-tus. In all these cases we may conclude that the sense of completion borne by the perfect has enabled it to dispense with the elongating appendage of the present and its subordinate forms. § 5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. Mute verbs, whether their characteristic be labial, guttural, or dental, do not exhibit any peculiarities of inflexion, which call for detailed examination. The perfect is generally either the reduplicative form (a) or the aorist in -si; the reduplication is sometimes represented merely by lengthening the root-syllable, as in scăbo, scābi, lego, lēgi; sometimes the first syllable is omitted without compensation, as is fidi, scidi; and this is always the case in compounds, as cado, cecidi, but concido, concidi. Bibo, which is reduplicated in the present, can have no further reduplication in its perfect, which is accordingly bibi. The few verbs which have an agglutinate perfect in -fui must have borrowed this lost form of the vowel-conjugation. We are able to justify this surmise by comparing cumbo, cubui with cubo. And of course the same explanation must apply to strepo, -is, strepui, compared with crepo, -as, crepui, frendo, -is, frendui, compared with strideo, &c. The verbs peto and rudo, which form their perfect and its participle as from a verb in -i,—namely, petivi, petītus; rudivi, ruditus;-are shown by this fact alone to be weakened forms of original verbs, in which the vowel i appeared; and this inference is confirmed by their etymology: for there can be no doubt that peto is identical with the Gothic bid-jan, Greek πείθω=πίθαψω, whence πτωχός and the Italian pit-occo. Now if the primary meaning of this root is "to fall down" and "make an inclination," like the Hebrew 7, "to make a reaching towards another," so that the root will be contained in pe[d]-8, πi-πT-W, Téd-ov, fotus, "foot," the present must have required the strengthening observed in πείθω = πίθ-ψω, and presumed in peto-pet-yo. It is also clear that rudo is only another form of rugio, which has passed into rudio; compare the Gothic rauhts" fremitus," with the Greek polos, poleiv, púlew, ypуlew, &c. Several of the consonant verbs strengthen the root in the present tense and its derivatives by a nasal insertion analogous to the Sanscrit anusvára: but this insertion is never retained in the perfect, if this tense is or was formed by reduplication; thus we have pu-n-go, pupugi, ru-m-po, rūpi, fra-n-go, fregi, tu-n-do, tutudi, sci-n-do, scidi, &c. The same rule applies to n, when it is appended to the root, for in this case also it appears to be inconsistent with reduplication, not only in the Greek and Latin, but also in their elder sister the Sanscrit, and in the Sclavonian, which furnished the Pelasgian element to both of them. Thus we have da-dâmi, but ap-nómi; didwμi, τίθημι, ἵστημι, but ζεύγνυμι, δάμ-νημι, ἱκ-νέομαι; πί-πτω for TI-Téτw, but πiτ-vw; bibo, but πí-vw; and, as we shall see, sper-no, but spre-vi, contem-no, but contemp-si. In Sclavonian there is a particular class of verbs, which the grammarians call semel-factive, and in which this nu is the distinctive mark. As then the reduplication clearly denotes iterative or continuous action, we must conclude that n is in these cases the pronominal element denoting separation and distance, which is opposed to the idea of abiding presence connected with that of continuance. Whereas in those cases in which the perfect formation retains the -n, as in jungo, junxi, fungor, functus sum, &c., we may infer that the n is merely euphonic, or intended to express, in conjunction with the guttural, the sound of the Semitic (See Report of the British Association for 1851, p. 148). Most of the Greek verbs in -Tw exhibit the T- as a pronominal adjunct of the same kind with the -v- which has just been mentioned: compare τύπτω, τίκ-τω with τέμνω, δάκ-νω, &c. We may come to the same conclusion with regard to the Latin verbs in -to, as flec-to from the root flac- in flaccidus, &c. As n is opposed to the continuous or iterative meaning of the verb, it may seem surprising that the most common Latin frequentatives end in -ito; but these, as we shall see in the next chapter, are derivatives of a very different kind. Of the Latin verbs in -to, -tis, &c., the most instructive is ver-to. The ideas of turning, changing, and beginning to be, have a common source, and refer themselves to one conception in the mind. It is difficult to say which is the primary modification of the thought. Perhaps the word vertumnus, which has long been recognised as a participial form from verto, will lead us most easily to the primary meaning of the root. It is usual to consider the Etruscan deity Vertumnus as the god of the autumn or of the ripe fruits (so Creuzer, Symb. III. 665); but the co-existence of the word auctumnus shows that this cannot be the correct view of the matter. As the husband of Pomona, the summer-goddess, Vertumnus begets Caculus, the darkening time of the year, and must therefore, in himself, be a personification of the spring, ver, which is actually included in his name. For ver-ver-t (Feap-T) is the period when the germs of the fruits first come into being (compare wes-en with wer-den), and this, as the beginning of new life, is a change from the previous state of decay and non-existence. We may say that Vertumnus (or Vertunnus, cf. Neptunus for Neptumnus) is the year when "it changes itself," or puts on a new dress; and as the aura Favoni, in the language of Lucretius, is not only reserata, or released from its former bondage in the dungeons of winter, but also genitabilis, or the cause of birth, we may see that Vertumnus, the god of change (Ovid. Fast. VI. 410; Prop. IV. 2, 10; Horat. II. Serm. 7, 14), is also the representative of the generation or birth of the fruits, which lie fecundating under the care of Pomona, until they spring up into the Auctumnus Auctomenos or growing year. Thus the Hebrew , which denotes the autumn, is used as an expression for maturity, as in Job XXIX. 4; and if the same root indicates also a falling away, decadence, and consequent reproach, we only come to the idea suggested by Caculus, another expression for the Autumn, as the child of Vertumnus and Pomona. The Umbrian Propertius (IV. 2, 46) expressly tells us that the name of Vertumnus was explicable in the Etruscan language; for he says: At mihi, quod formas unus vertebar in omnes, Nomen ab eventu patria lingua dedit, and that this patria lingua must be Etruscan (i. e. in this case Pelasgian) is clear from the beginning of the Elegy (v. 3): Tuscus ego, et Tuscis orior: nec pœnitet inter Prolia Volsinios deseruisse focos. And Varro expressly tells us that he was a chief divinity with those Etruscans who came with Coelius Vibenna (L. L. V. 46, p. 18, Müller): "ab iis dictus Vicus Tuscus, et ideo ibi Vertumnum stare, quod is Deus Etruriæ princeps." From this we learn that the Pelasgian religion was peculiarly distinguished by its elementary character (above, p. 36), and that ver-to, and consequently auc-to, were Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian words. In its middle sense, vertor often appears in the compound re-vertor, "I turn myself back or return." The verb rego, which, as we have seen (above, p. 76), has important affinities with the Greek, Sclavonian, and even the Semitic languages, is never used as a deponent to signify motion in a straight line, like the Greek e-px-ouai, nor is it used as a neuter verb like T-péxw, and yet τρέχω, the term regio or regio viarum expressly denotes the straight course or direction, like the ἀνομένων βημάτων ὄ-ρεγμα οἱ Eschylus (Choëph. 799). The uncompounded verb lego has the perfect legi, which is undoubtedly a remnant of reduplication; but in the derivative forms, such as intel-ligo, "I make a discrimination," i. e. I understand, diligo, "I make a choice," i. e. I prefer or love, neg-ligo, "I make no option," i. e. I leave behind neglected, we have only the aorist in -si, as intellexi, dilexi, neglexi. But we have also intellēgi, neglēgi, and conversely collexi, in the older writers (see Lachmann, ad Lucret. VI. 17). This aorist revives the lost guttural of the present tense in fluo, fluxi, in struo, struxi, in vivo, vixi, and in fruor, fructus sum; and strengthens an ultimate guttural in traho, traxi, and veho, vexi. § 6. B. Liquid Verbs. Some of the verbs, which have for their characteristic, double this letter in the present tense, but not in the perfect, thus we have pello, pepuli, pulsus, &c. The analogy of ille, alius, &c., would lead us to infer that these verbs belong strictly to the semi-consonant class, and the singular participle tlatus or latus from tollo, tetuli, coupled with the Greek form Tλáw, would almost suggest the idea that there was once a collateral verb in -a. There are only two n verbs, the reduplicated gigno, root gen-, perfect genui, and cano, perfect cecini. But the known relationship between ille, alius and ává, together with the meanings of alo, al-mus, al-u-mnus, which imply "bringing up," suggest the possibility that this verb may have belonged originally to the same form of the liquid characteristic. We have seen above that I and n are both dentals, and that they are frequently interchanged. Although s is by its origin a result of the gutturals, it often passes into the dental r; and there can be little doubt that most of the verbs in r and s must be placed in the same category. Indeed it has been suggested that sero, serui is merely a reduplication for seso. While the other liquids are all capable of some connexion with the dental articulation, the labial m stands apart from any interchange with the other letters of this class, except in the case of an assimilation, as in pressi from premo (cf. jubeo, jussi). The most important and remarkable of the m verbs is emo, which is worthy of special examination, not only on its own account, but also on account of its numerous compounds. The primary meaning of emo is, "I take up or select," and thus it comes very near in signification to lego. This idea of selection lies at the root of the ordinary meaning of emo, "I buy;" for this presumes a selection from a variety of objects offered for sale. In our own colloquial English, "I will take this," is the usual phrase for expressing an intention to purchase some particular article. The Greek πρίαμαι appears as the middle of Tiπρáoк, "I cause to pass over;" and the two together express the changing of hands (éρav) which always attends a sale. And as árodidouaι means, "I give away ἀποδίδομαι for my own benefit," i. e. "I part with a thing on advantageous terms,” so ὠνέομαι (from the same root as ὀνίνημι) declares the fact that the purchaser finds his benefit in the transaction. A |