perfon upon the contracted fcale of private information. But though I do not hazard any thing approaching to a cenfure on the motives of former parliaments to all those alterations, one fact is undoubted; that under them the state of America has been kept in continual agitation. Every thing administered as remedy to the public complaint, if it did not produce, was at leaft followed by, an heightening of the diftemper; until, by a variety of experiments, that important country has been brought into her prefent fituation;-a fituation which I will not mifcall, which I dare not name; which I fcarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any defcription.

In this posture, Sir, things ftood at the beginning of the feffion. About that time, a worthy member* of great parliamentary experience, who, in the year 1766, filled the chair of the American committee with much ability, took me afide; and, lamenting the present aspect of our politicks, told me, things were come to fuch a pass, that our former methods of proceeding in the house would be no longer tolerated. That the public tribunal (never too indulgent to a long and unsuccessful opposition) would now scrutinize our conduct with unusual severity. That the very viciffitudes and shiftings of ministerial measures, instead of convicting their authors of inconftancy and want of system, would be taken as an occafion of charging us with a predetermined discontent, which nothing could fatisfy; whilst we accufed every measure of vigour as cruel, and every propofal of lenity as weak and irrefolute. The publick, he faid, would not have patience to fee us play the game out with our adversaries: we must produce our hand. It would be expected, that those who for many years had been active in fuch affairs should fhew, that they had formed fome clear

* Mr. Rose Fuller.

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and decided idea of the principles of colony government; and were capable of drawing out fomething like a platform of the ground, which might be laid for future and permanent tranquillity.

I felt the truth of what my hon. friend reprefented; but I felt my fituation too. His application might have been made with far greater propriety to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better difpofed, or worfe qualified, for fuch an undertaking than myself. Though I gave so far into his opinion, that I immediately threw my thoughts into a fort of parliamentary form, I was by no means equally ready to produce them. It generally argues fome degree of natural impotence of mind, or fome want of knowledge of the world, to hazard plans of government, except from a feat of authority. Propofitions are made, not only ineffectually, but fomewhat difreputably, when the minds. of men are not properly difpofed for their reception; and for my part, I am not ambitious of ridicule; not abfolutely a candidate for difgrace.

Befides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government; nor of any politicks, in which the plan is to be wholly feparated from the execution. But when I faw, that anger and violence prevailed every day more and more; and that things were haftening towards an incurable alienation of our colonies; I confefs my caution gave way. I felt this, as one of thofe few moments in which decorum yields to an higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller; and there are occafions when any, even the flighteft, chance of doing good, must be laid hold on, even by the most inconfiderable person.

To restore order and repofe to an empire fo great and fo diftracted as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the higheft genius, and

obtain pardon for the efforts of the meaneft understanding. Struggling a good while with thefe thoughts, by degrees I fult myfelf more firm. I derived, at length, fome confidence from what in other circumftances ufually produces timidity. I grew less anxious, even from the idea of my own infignificance. For, judging of what you are, by what you ought to be, I perfuaded myself, that you would not reject a reasonable proposition, because it had nothing but its reafon to recommend it. On the other hand, being totally deftitute of all fhadow of influence, natural or adventitious, I was very fure, that, if my propofition were futile or dangerous; if it were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, there was nothing exterior to it, of power to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You will fee it just as it is; and you will treat it just as it deferves.

The propofition is peace. Not peace through the medium of war; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negociations; not peace to arife out of univerfal difcord, fomented, from principle, in all parts of the empire; not peace to depend on the juridical determination of perplexing questions; or the precife marking the fhadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is fimple peace; fought in its natural courfe, and its ordinary haunts. It is peace fought in the fpirit of peace; and laid in principles purely pacific. I propofe, by removing the ground of the difference, and by restoring the former unsuspecting confidence of the colonies in the mother country, to give permanent fatisfaction to your people; and (far from a scheme of ruling by difcord) to reconcile them to each other in the fame act, and by the bond of the very fame intereft, which reconciles them to British government.

My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been the parent of confufion; and ever will be fo, as long as the world endures. Plain good intention, which is as eafily VOL. II.

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discovered at the first view, as fraud is furely detected at laft, is, let me fay, of no mean force in the government of mankind. Genuine fimplicity of heart is an healing and cementing principle. My plan, therefore, being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint fome people, when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the fplendor of the project, which has been lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue ribband*. It does not propofe to fill your lobby with fquabbling colony agents, who will require the interpofition of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace amongst them. It does not inftitute a magnificent auction of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of payments, beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and fettle.

The plan, which I fhall prefume to fuggeft, derives, however, one great advantage from the proposition and registry of that noble lord's project. The idea of concilia

* « That when the governor, council, or affembly, or general court, of any of his majefty's provinces or colonies in America, fhall propofe to make provifion, according to "the condition, circumstances, and fituation, of fuch province or colony, for contributing "their proportion to the common defence (fuch proportion to be raised under the authority of "the general court, or general affembly, of such province or colony, and disposable by par"liament) and fhall engage to make provifion alfo for the fupport of the civil govern"ment, and the adminiftration of juftice, in fuch province or colony, it will be proper, if fuch propofa! shall be approved by his majesty, and the two houses of parliament, and for so long as fuch provifion fhall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of fuch province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or aflefliment, or to impofe any farther duty, tax, or "affeffment, except fuch duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or impofe, for "the regulation of commerce; the nett produce of the duties laft mentioned to be carried "to the account of fuch province or colony refpectively." Refolution moved by Lord North in the committee; and agreed to by the houfe, 27 Feb. 1775.

tion is admiffible. Firft, the houfe, in accepting the refolution moved by the noble lord, has admitted, notwithstanding the menacing front of our addrefs, notwithstanding our heavy bill of pains and penalties-that we do not think ourselves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.

The house has gone farther; it has declared conciliation admiffible, previous to any fubmiffion on the part of America. It has even fhot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted, that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thus exerted is allowed to have had fomething reprehenfible in it; fomething unwife, or something grievous: fince, in the midst of our heat and refentment, we, of ourselves, have proposed a capital alteration; and, in order to get rid of what feemed fo very exceptionable, have instituted a mode that is altogether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien from all the antient methods and forms of parliament.

The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpose. The means propofed by the noble lord for carrying his ideas into execution, I think indeed, are very indifferently fuited to the end; and this I fhall endeavour to shew you before I fit down. But, for the prefent, I take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace. Peace implies reconciliation; and where there has been a material difpute, reconciliation does in a manner always imply conceffion on the one part or on the other. In this ftate of things I make no difficulty in affirming, that the proposal ought to originate from us. Great and acknowledged force is not impaired, either in effect or in opinion, by an unwillingness to exert itself. The fuperior power may offer peace with honour and with fafety. Such an

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