Bottom Administration, so called because it aimed to include every political leader, whether Whig or Tory, whose influence was dangerous. It was a method devised by Lord Chesterfield and others to get rid of an Opposition. With this end in view, they had established in 1743 a newspaper called "Old England, or the Constitutional Journal," for which Chesterfield wrote under the name of Geffery Broadbottom. Henry Pelham, who had been First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer for the last year in the previous Ministry, now became virtually Prime Minister, though he was outranked in the Cabinet by his brother, the Duke of Newcastle. Lord Hardwicke retained the Great Seal; Lord Chesterfield, who had led the Opposition in the House of Lords, was appeased by a diplomatic mission to The Hague, and the appointment as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Lyttelton, hitherto secretary to the Prince of Wales, became a Lord of the Treasury. Dodington was made Treasurer of the Navy, and Winnington held over as Paymaster of the Forces. Of all the old Patriots, none escaped some sort of office, except Pitt, who wanted a secretaryship in the Cabinet, but had to feed for two years on promises, owing to the King's dislike of him. The new Ministry, thus containing many of the politicians for whom Fielding had fought in "The Champion" when they were in opposition to Walpole, was immediately confronted with the crisis of 1745. On July 24 of that year, Charles Edward landed with seven friends in the Hebrides, and on August 19 unfurled his silk banner of white, blue, and red at Glenfinnan. After collecting a small army of Highlanders, he marched to Perth, where he rested for reinforcements and to discipline his troops. He then proceeded to Edinburgh, and met the English under the command of Sir John Cope at Preston Pans on September 21, rushing upon them with a yell through the mists of morning and cutting them

utterly to pieces. Then it was that Fielding, long silent, spoke out for the King and the Government.

People in the south, long accustomed to domestic peace, did not realize the grave danger until war was at hand and the Prince began his march towards the English border. Nor was the national spirit very strong. Although the Jacobites were most numerous in Scotland, they might be found anywhere in England, especially in the northern and midland counties; and the people as a whole had little enthusiasm for the House of Hanover. It was the task of the Whig leaders in church and state to arouse the nation out of its lethargy. The movement began at York late in September, when Archbishop Herring organized the nobility, clergy, and gentry of the diocese into an Association for "the security of his Majesty's Person and Government and for the Defence of the County of York." Fielding, perhaps urged by the Government as well as by his own patriotism, performed his part in this work nobly. In October,* he sounded the alarm in "A Serious Address to the People of Great Britain. In which the Certain Consequences of the Present Rebellion, Are fully demonstrated. Necessary to be perused by every Lover of his Country, at this Juncture." "The Rebellion," Fielding warns the people, "lately begun in Scotland, under the banner of a Popish Pretender, advised and assisted with the counsels and arms of France and Spain, is no longer an object of your derision. The progress of these rebels is such, as should awaken your apprehensions at least, and no longer suffer you to neglect the proper methods for your defence." As a staunch Whig, Fielding takes his stand squarely with the Revolution of 1688, shows how calamities were brought upon the country by James the Second, a cruel and arbitrary ruler, and expresses doubts concerning the legitimacy of both the Stuart Pretenders. By way of climax he draws *The Gentleman's Magazine," Oct., 1745, p. 560.

A SERIOUS

ADDRESS

TO THE

People of GREAT BRITAIN.

In which the

CERTAIN CONSEQUENCES

OF THE

PRESENT REBELLION,

Are fully demonstrated.

Neceffary to be perufed by every LovER of his Country, at this Juncture.

Per Deos Immortales, vos ego appello, qui femper Domos, Villas, Signa, Tabulas veftras, pluris, quam rempublicam feciftis: fi ifta cujufcumque modi fint, que amplex-mini, retinere; fi voluptatibus veftris otium præbere, vultis: expergifcimini aliquando, & capeffite rempublicam. Non nunc agitur de vectigalibus, non de Sociorum Injuriis; Libertas & anima noftra in dubio eft.

SAL. BEL. CATALIN.

LONDON:

Printed for M. COOPER, at the Globe in Pater-nofterRow. MDCCXLV.

[Price One Shilling. ]

a graphic picture of French slavery under the old régime, depicts the horrors of the Inquisition, referring his readers for more bloody details to Philip van Limborch's "Historia Inquisitionis," and ends with a ringing appeal for action: "Let us therefore unite in Associations; let us call forth the old English spirit in this truly English cause; let neither fear nor indolence prevail on one man to refuse doing his duty in the defence of his country, against an invader by whom his property, his family, his liberty, his life and his religion are threatened with immediate destruction."

Within a month "A Serious Address" went into a second edition, with some curtailments and the important addition of "A Calm Address to all Parties in Religion, whether Protestant or Catholic, on the Score of the Present Rebellion; being a brief and dispassionate Enquiry, whether the Reign of the Pretender would be advantageous to the Civil Interest and Commerce of Great Britain, supposing that he was to succeed in his present Attempts, and allowing that he afterwards would conduct himself according to the Principles of Honour and Honesty." The conclusion was that England, should the Pretender succeed, would become a dependency of France, and so have to admit, for instance, wines free of duty; that England would lose Cape Breton and other possessions to France, that Gibraltar would go to Spain as a debt of gratitude in return for aid to the House of Stuart. "Suppose him good or bad, by principle or disposition, we have nothing to expect from him, no other prospect before us, but misery and ruin to us and our posterity."

Along with the second edition of "A Serious Address," Fielding put out "A Dialogue between the Devil, the Pope, and the Pretender,'* which is a bitter denunciation of the Church of Rome. "Have I not," declares the Pope, "un*The True Patriot," Nov. 5, 1745.