own purposes, to the neglect and injury of the common cause. In Spain also a series of rapid successes had been followed by the grossest misconduct, the troops committed every kind of excess, the generals every kind of blunder, and every thing went wrong for want of a mind like Marlborough's to controul the jarring elements which were brought together. The French were now endeavouring to amuse the Dutch with negociations; here they had their greatest hope, for they had a party in the States always upon the watch to serve them, and their intrigues made Marlborough more uneasy than he had ever before been at any time during the war. He saw the errors of the Dutch, if indeed their conduct deserve so light a name. 'The more complaisance is shewn them, said he, and the more we give way to them, it is both their nature and their practice to be more assuming.'-'They are of so many minds, and all so very extravagant concerning their barrier, that I despair of doing any good till they are more reasonable, which they will not be till they see that they have it not in their power to dispose of the Low Countries at their will and pleasure, in which the French flatter them.' He saw that they were not beloved any where because they carried every thing with so high a hand: and he perceived their poor pitiable jealousy of England: but though some of the leading men in Holland,' said he, may be blind, or worse, yet surely the generality cannot be imposed upon so far as to be blown up with a jealousy of the Queen's power, when all that power, be it great or little, has been and is still exerted for their safety, without the least view or desire of any extent of conquest or dominion for England; and when it is plain that in two or three years time France, with the comfort and assistance of peace, will be just where she was before, if the nicest care be not taken to put it out of her power, now there is an opportunity in our hands.'

The affairs of the cabinet at home were not less vexatious, The whigs insisted upon making Sunderland secretary of state instead of Sir Charles Hedges, whom they proposed to remunerate by a more permanent and profitable place. The Queen was exceedingly averse to this; whether right or wrong in her objection to the particular measure, she rested upon a general principle, and a just one desiring only liberty, she said, to encourage and employ all who concurred faithfully in her service, whether they were called whigs or tories; not to be tied to either; in which case, with the name of Queen, she should be in reality but their slave, to her own ruin and to the destruction of the government. Godolphin had told her that unless the whigs were gratified by this appointment, they would not be hearty in supporting her meaBut is it not very hard,' said the poor Queen, that men of

sures.

sense

sense and honour will not promote the good of their country, because every thing in the world is not done that they desire? Why, for God's sake, must I, who have no interest, no end, no thought but for the good of my country, be made so miserable as to be brought into the power of one set of men? and why may not I be trusted, since I mean nothing but what is equally for the good of all my subjects?' She offered to bring Sunderland into the cabinet, with a pension, till a vacancy should happen, and asked, as this arrangement would content her, whereas she had insuperable objections to the other, why she might not be gratified as well as other people? Queen Anne was a person, who, as Marlborough said, needed no advice to help her to be very firm and positive when she thought herself in the right; and in this case her principle was just, and she had good reason to require that some regard should be paid to her own views and inclinations. But there was a snake in the grass. Harley was all this while at work worming out of her confidence those ministers by whom he had risen and was still trusted: he continually fostered in her her dislike to the whigs, and endeavoured to bring back her predilections for the other party, grievously as they had offended her. The whigs seconded him admirably by the arrogant manner in which they insisted upon forcing Lord Sunderland into office. Halifax, and even Somers (respectable as that name is) declared in the name of their party, that if their demand was not granted without further delay, they would oppose the government:—thus proving that when party-views or party-passions were at stake, they had as little respect for the interests of their country, as for the feelings of their sovereign. They stimulated the duchess to goad the Queen, an ill-judged office in which she was but too ready to engage. The whole weight of vexation fell upon Godolphin; he saw that the Queen cherished an insuperable dislike toward the whigs, though at that time he knew not by what secret artifices it had been infused, and was continually exasperated; he blamed the whigs for a determination to over-rule the Queen, and at the same time he felt himself embarrassed by the tories who were in office, and clogged with their ill-will the measures which they could not prevent. There was not one of them in any ministerial office, he said, that must not be spoken to ten times over before any thing could be executed, even after it had been ordered, with all the slowness and difficulty imaginable. Unable either to moderate the whigs in their demands on the one hand, or to overcome the more reasonable determination of the Queen on the other, or to continue in the government if he were opposed by his former friends and received only a cold and hollow support from the other party, he talked of resigning his office. This,

the

the Queen said, was a blow she could not bear, she intreated him not to leave her service; and Marlborough told him that if he were serious in this thought, he could not justify himself to God or man, for, divided as England was, he was the only person who could conduct its concerns. As the affairs of Europe,' said he, and those of the Queen in particular, are at this time, I think both you and I are in honour and conscience bound, under all the dangers and trouble that is possible, to bring this war to a happy end, which I think must be after the next campaign if we can agree to carry it on with vigour.' In this struggle, which so perplexed his friend, Marlborough advised patience and moderation to the whigs, and was clearly of opinion that it was injudicious to force his son-in-law upon the Queen. But as he told the Duchess on this occasion, and as she had long before found out, his disposition led him rather to be governed than to govern; and in obedience to her solicitations, and to Godolphin's wishes, he represented to the Queen the predicament in which her ministers were placed, bound as he was, he said, in gratitude, duty and conscience to her, to make known his mind freely, and assuring her, in the presence of God, that he was not for her putting herself into the hands of either faction. Lord Rochester,' he said, and the hot heads of that party were so extravagant, that beyond all doubt they would expose her and the liberties of England to the rage of France, rather than not be revenged, as they called it. There was therefore a necessity as well as justice in her supporting Godolphin; and in the present humour he could be supported by the whigs only, for the others sought his destruction, which in effect was hers: and the way to save herself from being forced into a party was to strengthen him.'

6

While Marlborough was acting thus faithfully and honourably towards his friend, his Queen and his country, the more intemperate of the whigs, who by their violence had occasioned the whole embarrassment, suspected that he and Godolphin were not dealing sincerely; so easily are men made suspicious, ungenerous and unjust by party-spirit! Marlborough was hurt at this, and declared that if it were not for his gratitude to the Queen, and his concern for Godolphin, he would immediately retire. For I have had the good luck,' said he, to deserve better from all Englishmen than to be suspected of not being in the true interest of my country, which I am in, and ever will be, without being of a faction; and this principle shall govern me for the little remainder of my life. I must not think of being popular, but I shall have the satisfaction of going to my grave with the opinion of having acted as an honest man.' This was written to the Duchess; and in that spirit of true affection which all his domestic letters

express,

express, he concluded by saying, 'if I have your esteem and love I shall think myself entirely happy.' Marlborough's character has been put to the test by the publication of these Memoirs, which include so large a part of his most confidential and unreserved correspondence, and it has proved sterling. He understood the interests of his country so fully that he must ever be considered as one of the most perfect of her statesmen: his only object was to promote those interests, and that object was unalloyed with any meaner considerations; while for fidelity to his friends and loyalty to his sovereign, and a just regard to the constitution, no man ever exceeded him. To the Queen he says at this time, 'it is true your reign has been so manifestly blessed by God, that one might reasonably think you might govern without making use of the heads of either party, but as it might be easy to yourself. This might be practicable if both parties sought your favour, as in reason and duty they ought. But, madam, the truth is that the heads of one party have declared against you and your government as far as it is possible without going into open rebellion. Now should your Majesty disoblige the others, how is it possible to obtain near five millions for carrying on the war with vigour, without which all is undone?' He tells Godolphin that having written with freedom to the Queen, let what would happen he should be more easy in his mind; and being apprehensive that the Queen's temper was not to be shaken, he says, 'allow me to give you this assurance, that as I know you to be a sincere, honest man, may God bless me as I shall be careful that whatever man is your enemy shall never be my friend.' The arguments which had been used to induce her to acquiesce could not, he thought, be answered, for in England,' said he, no minister can or ought to govern without help. God preserve her, and send you to serve her long. When Marlborough returned from the continent, his popularity, his splendid services, and that power of persuasion which he possessed, overcame the Queen's reluctance. She is said also to have feared that a longer opposition on her part would incense the whigs against Harley, and make them insist upon his dismission, for that supple courtier had now rooted himself in her favour.

Marlborough was received in a manner corresponding to the great and signal successes of the campaign; his title was extended to his daughters and their heirs male. It is observable that he was now no longer anxious to perpetuate the name of Churchill in his family, which he had formerly required his representatives in succession to assume. The honour and manor of Woodstock, and the house of Blenheim, were to descend with the title, and the sum of 5000l. a year from the post-office was likewise

entailed

entailed upon his daughters and their heirs male in perpetuity, being however confirmed to the duchess for her life. The standards and colours taken at Ramillies were borne in procession from Whitehall, through the Park and St. James's, and so to Guildhall; it was a proud display, consisting of six and twenty standards and a hundred and twenty-six colours. Godolphin was raised to the peerage; several minor promotions among the whigs took place, and however averse she might have been to the measures which had been forced upon her, the Queen found the advantage of having so materially strengthened the administration. Matters not less important than the business of war required Marlborough's attention while active operations were suspended: his influence was exerted in bringing about the great measure of the Union, and it may be recorded as an answer,' says Mr. Coxe, to the numberless accusations and surmises against the principles of Marlborough and Godolphin, that such a measure was accomplished by them in opposition to the efforts of a powerful combination of tories and jacobites both in England and Scotland, and under a queen who not only detested the Hanover line, but who was beginning to turn with renewed affection towards the surviving members of her unfortunate family.' He performed also a singular mission to the camp of Charles XII. at Sweden, whose movements at that time held all Germany and the North of Europe in suspense, and might easily have made the scale preponderate in favour of France, if he had been led either by the arts of that politic court, or by his own irritable temper (which needed little provocation) to fall upon the Austrians. His favourite scheme at this time was to form a Protestant league. Prussia was already persuaded to the measure, Hanover was solicited, and Catholic Germany of course had taken the alarm. Marlborough succeeded in dissuading him from a scheme which would have proved destructive to the alliance; he succeeded also in adjusting or postponing his disputes with Austria and Denmark; he administered pensions, by the Elector of Hanover's advice, to two of his ministers; and Charles, leaving the affairs of Europe to their course, removed his disturbing forces into Moscovy, and there wrecked his army, his fortunes, and himself.

The military operations during the year 1707 were unfavourable to the allies: they suffered a scandalous defeat in Spain; and an attack upon Toulon, where a successful issue would, in Marlborough's opinion, certainly have produced peace, failed by the want of cordiality between the Duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene, the latter being influenced by the Imperial court, which never entered with sincerity into any project unless it were directed to its own exclusive and immediate interests. Villars

made