PREFACE.

WHILE analysing and comparing things as they are I have been led into determining, completing, and setting in order certain views with regard to the future management and prospects of India. The result is contained in the following pages, which comprise a general outline of a projected administration and policy, and which I now with all deference and humility submit to the public.

It is more necessary that the British Parliament should provide an efficient government for India than that it should prescribe particular measures. The details of the administration may be better and more conveniently regulated by the Indian Government. But as the nature and strength of the machine must be determined with reference to the work to be done, I hope that it will not be out of place at this time shortly to review the requirements of the country.

The scope of my plan doubtless embraces some subjects in respect to which my qualifications as an adviser may justly be called in question, and I should hardly have ventured to travel over so large a field did it not seem to me that as the time for legislation approaches there is still a want of definite and connected general plans. Various suggestions have been put forth on

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particular points, but the whole subject has not been so brought together in one view as to enable us to estimate the relative bearing of different suggestions.

We want as it were a map of the ground to be operated upon. I do not pretend adequately to supply this want; but if my rough sketch may in any degree render intelligible the relative positions of the most prominent questions, and facilitate the more perfect and detailed plans of more skilful artists, my object will be accomplished. I hope that my plan is so far complete that I shall not be liable to the imputation of proposing some things to the entire disregard of others possibly incompatible, or of suggesting ends in an Utopian spirit without providing the means. For instance, I do not with some people propose, on the one hand, to abandon great part of our revenue in favour of princes or people, and, on the other, to spend large sums on magnificent works without making any provision for the wherewithal. So far as in me lies I have tried to look at both sides of each question, and to render one part of my scheme consistent with another. I do not claim originality in all the parts of my plan. I have without scruple availed myself of every suggestion which has seemed to answer my purpose. I have endeavoured to select, convert, and fit together the best materials from whatever quarter derived-to supply such things as were wanting --and to connect and put in array the whole. I fear that I may not fully meet the views of either of the two extremes into which opinion is divided-that I shall not propose so total a subversion of the existing order of things as will satisfy those who see nothing but evil in the present system; and, on the other hand, that the

changes which seem to me to be necessary may appear to those who, admiring things as they are, would let well alone, to contain the elements of innovation, and to be on that account dangerous and inexpedient. I have steered a middle course. It will be seen that some of

my proposals are founded on the same main principles as those suggested by that distinguished ex-Governor General whose experience and knowledge of Indian affairs are, above all others, so great and so admirable, while on other questions, in which I believe that his intellect is not unprejudiced, I have taken wholly opposite views. If my arguments are in any degree just, the materials selected from different and even opposition workshops are not inconsistent or irreconcileable.

In my former publication on Modern India I have attempted succinctly to describe the country, the people, and the government as they exist. Suffice it now to say that we have reached the natural limits of a great and undivided empire; that we have peace within those limits,* and are not threatened with any defensive war; that the country is fertile and populous, the people personally most capable, and in many respects civilizedpolitically submissive; and that our Government possesses materials which, judiciously reconstructed, are capable of great and beneficial efficiency. Under an efficient government, occupying a situation of singular advantage, I believe that the social and material wants of the country may be very fully supplied, and that the personal character of the people may be immensely

* I speak of India, not of Burmah.

elevated. In truth, an infinite field of improvement lies before us.

Certain political characteristics are indelibly stamped on particular races, but the ordinary social civilization of this ancient hemisphere seems to have had everywhere much in common. Our western society has in fact sprung by gradual progressive changes from that elder civilization which a few centuries ago was common to the East and the West, but more highly developed in the former. Whether we go historically back or geographically east, we travel very much in the same direction, and most of the manners and customs which now seem peculiar to the East have had their parallels in the earlier days of the West. Then why should not the East be also capable of progress? Why, com

should it not be raised

After all, we are but leaven of Greek and

mencing from a similar level, as the West has been raised? Orientals among whom the old Roman civilization has fermented into progress, and I see no reason why we should not introduce in the East a similar progress. I believe that we might and should do so; that India is fully capable of the very highest civilization; and that Heaven has imposed on us a task which we may not neglect.

Hitherto the country has not been fortunate. Repeatedly a prey to conquerors by no means the most civilized or the most forbearing of mankind, its best dynasties have been very shortlived. We seem now to have greater advantages, and we may hope, if we use these advantages well, to attain greater stability. We have rescued the natives from anarchy and confusion, and, doubtless, years of peace have done much to

fill up the gaps caused by years of war; but it is fairer to compare our government with the more prosperous times of the better native dynasties, and in this view there is a good deal to be said on both sides of the question. Our administration is pure, and we have every desire to do justice; but our armies are expensive -our government is wanting in concentrated energyits policy has often been mistaken-and our judicial system is inappropriate and inefficient. The natives in some respects prefer indifferent justice, easily procured, to the most perfect system if complicated and difficult of access. The whole native system of government is but a delegation of absolute power from one official grade to another. To the people one man is their ruler, and he has full and prompt power for good or for evil. He may be neither pure nor disinterested; but there is a limit to the capacity of one pool (as Lord Ellenborough would call it), and, his own interests satisfied, he may be not disinclined to do substantial justice among a people whom he thoroughly understands. He is bound by no inflexible general rules, which, while designed for the good of the majority, may inflict hardship on individuals, and are apt to be slow and difficult of application. He can, if he will, do popular justice in each case. We, on the other hand, go altogether on the principle of setting aside individual will and discretion, trusting nothing to any man, but regulating everything by strict rules. Up to a certain point this system is most beneficial, but it may be carried too far; and in India especially its over refinement is not appreciated. The evils are patent to all, while the good is seen only by philosophers. Good, simple, and discreet codes of